The Journal of Negro History, Volume 1, January 1916 eBook (2024)

The Journal of Negro History, Volume 1, January 1916

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Table of Contents
Section	Page
Start of eBook	1
THE NEGROES OF CINCINNATI PRIOR TO THE CIVIL WAR	1
C. G. WOODSON	14
FOOTNOTES:	14
THE STORY OF MARIA LOUISE MOORE AND FANNIE M. RICHARDS[1]	16
W. B. HARTGROVE	22
FOOTNOTES:	22
THE PASSING TRADITION AND THE AFRICAN CIVILIZATION	25
MONROE N. WORK	30
A. O. STAFFORD	34
WHAT THE NEGRO WAS THINKING DURING THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY	34
NO. 1	34
ESSAY ON NEGRO SLAVERY	39
LETTER ON SLAVERY BY A NEGRO	44
	48
FOOTNOTES:	50
	51
To The Rev. Mr. John Rippon	56
FOOTNOTES:	57
	57
ACCOUNT OF THE NEGRO CHURCH AT SAVANNAH, AND OF TWO NEGRO MINISTERS	61
	64
	64
STATE OF THE NEGROES IN JAMAICA	66
LETTER TO DR. RIPPON	67
FOOTNOTES:	69
BOOK REVIEWS	69
NOTES	73
THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY	74
PUBLISHED QUARTERLY	74
KELLY MILLER: The Historic Background of the Negro Physician	74
NOTES	74
THE ASSOCIATION FOR THE STUDY OF NEGRO LIFE AND HISTORY, INCORPORATED	74
THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY	74
THE HISTORIC BACKGROUND OF THE NEGRO PHYSICIAN	74
KELLY MILLER	80
FOOTNOTES:	80
THE NEGRO SOLDIER IN THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION	82
W. B. HARTGROVE	93
FOOTNOTES:	93
FREEDOM AND SLAVERY IN APPALACHIAN AMERICA	99
C. G. WOODSON	110
FOOTNOTES:	110
ANTAR, THE ARABIAN NEGRO WARRIOR, POET AND HERO	114
A. O. STAFFORD	122
FOOTNOTES:	122
DOCUMENTS	122
LEARNING A MODERN LANGUAGE	123
EIGHT DOLLARS REWARD	125
TEN DOLLARS REWARD	126
RAN AWAY	126
TWO GUINEAS REWARD	126
BROUGHT TO THE WORKHOUSE	126
RUN-AWAY	127
BROUGHT TO THE WORKHOUSE	127
THREE GUINEAS REWARD RUNAWAY	127
RUN-AWAY	128
NEGRO IN CUSTODY	128
TEN DOLLARS REWARD	129
THIRTY DOLLARS REWARD	129
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD	130
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD	131
ADVERTISEMENT	131
LEARNING TO READ AND WRITE	132
FORTY DOLLARS REWARD	133
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD	134
RAN AWAY	136
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD	136
EIGHT HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD	136
EIGHTY DOLLARS REWARD	138
EDUCATED NEGROES	139
THREE GUINEAS REWARD	140
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD	140
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD	140
CITY SHERIFF’S SALE	141
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD	141
SLAVES IN GOOD CIRCUMSTANCES	142
FIFTEEN DOLLARS REWARD	143
NEGROES BROUGHT FROM THE WEST INDIES	143
TWO GUINEAS REWARD	145
THIRTY DOLLARS REWARD	145
TEN DOLLARS REWARD	145
VARIOUS KINDS OF SERVANTS	146
TO BE SOLD	146
TEN POUNDS REWARD	146
TWO GUINEAS REWARD RUNAWAY	147
RUN-AWAY	147
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD	148
SEVEN DOLLARS REWARD	148
NEGRO PRIVATEERS AND SOLDIERS PRIOR TO THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION	148
RELATIONS BETWEEN THE SLAVES AND THE BRITISH DURING THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR	150
RELATIONS BETWEEN THE SLAVES AND THE FRENCH DURING THE COLONIAL WARS	151
TEN PISTOLES REWARD	151
COLORED METHODIST PREACHERS AMONG THE SLAVES	151
FORTY DOLLARS REWARD	153
SLAVES IN OTHER PROFESSIONS	154
SIX DOLLARS REWARD	154
CLOSE RELATIONS OF THE SLAVES AND INDENTURED SERVANTS	154
FORTY SHILLINGS REWARD	158
FIFTY PISTOLES REWARD	159
TEN PISTOLES REWARD	160
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD	161
SIX DOLLARS REWARD	161
REVIEWS OF BOOKS	162
NOTES	166
HOW THE PUBLIC RECEIVED THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY	167
THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY	173
PUBLISHED QUARTERLY	173
NOTES	173
COLORED FREEMEN AS SLAVE OWNERS IN VIRGINIA[1]	173
THE EXISTENCE OF BLACK MASTERS AFTER COLONIAL TIMES	176
A TRULY BENEVOLENT SLAVERY	177
FOOTNOTES:	179
THE FUGITIVES OF THE PEARL	180
FOOTNOTES:	196
LORENZO DOW[1]	198
BENJAMIN BRAWLEY	205
FOOTNOTES:	205
THE ATTITUDE OF THE FREE NEGRO TOWARD AFRICAN COLONIZATION	206
LOUIS R. MEHLINGER	221
FOOTNOTES:	221
DOCUMENTS	226
COMMUNICATED	230
FOOTNOTES:	238
A TYPICAL COLONIZATION CONVENTION	239
	243
REVIEWS OF BOOKS	256
NOTES	261
AN INTERESTING COMMENT	262
THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY	264
PUBLISHED QUARTERLY	264
NOTES	265
VOL. I—­OCTOBER, 1916—­No. 4	265
C. E. PIERRE	271
FOOTNOTES:	271
PEOPLE OF COLOR IN LOUISIANA	273
PART I	273
ALICE DUNBAR-NELSON	282
FOOTNOTES:	283
THE DEFEAT OF THE SECESSIONISTS IN KENTUCKY IN 1861	284
WILLIAM T. McKINNEY	294
FOOTNOTES:	294
NOTES ON NEGROES IN GUATEMALA DURING THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY	296
A MULATTO CORSAIR OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY	299
J. KUNST	300
FOOTNOTES:	300
DOCUMENTS	301
BURNABY’S VIEW OF THE SITUATION IN VIRGINIA	301
	301
IMPRESSIONS OF AN ENGLISH TRAVELER	305
ABBE ROBIN ON CONDITIONS IN VIRGINIA	305
OBSERVATIONS OF ST. JOHN DE CREVECOEUR	305
IMPRESSIONS OF JOHANN D. SCHOEPF	306
EXTRACTS FROM ANBUREY’S TRAVELS THROUGH NORTH AMERICA	307
VINDICATION OF THE NEGROES: A CONTROVERSY	309
FOOTNOTES:	317
	317
FOOTNOTES:	324
SLAVERY AS SEEN BY HENRY WANSEY	325
ESCLAVAGE PAR LA ROCHEFOUCAULD-LIANCOURT	326
OBSERVATIONS SUR L’ESCLAVAGE PAR LA ROCHEFOUCAULD-LIANCOURT	328
WHAT ISAAC WELD OBSERVED IN SLAVE STATES	329
JOHN DAVIS’S THOUGHTS ON SLAVERY	331
OBSERVATIONS OF ROBERT SUTCLIFF	332
SOME LETTERS OF RICHARD ALLEN AND ABSALOM JONES TO DOROTHY RIPLEY	332
	337
LETTER FROM AN AFRICAN, RESIDENT IN PHILADELPHIA, TO DOROTHY RIPLEY	337
FOOTNOTES:	339
BOOK REVIEWS	339
C. R. WILSON	340
W. R. WARD	340
J. R. DAVIS	341
ROBERT E. PARK	344
A HAPPY SUGGESTION	345
INDEX TO VOLUME I.	345

THE NEGROES OF CINCINNATI PRIOR TO THE CIVIL WAR

The study of the history of the Negroes of Cincinnatiis unusually important for the reason that from noother annals do we get such striking evidence thatthe colored people generally thrive when encouragedby their white neighbors. This story is otherwisesignificant when we consider the fact that about afourth of the persons of color settling in the Stateof Ohio during the first half of the last centurymade their homes in this city. Situated on a northbend of the Ohio where commerce breaks bulk, Cincinnatirapidly developed, attracting both foreigners andAmericans, among whom were not a few Negroes.Exactly how many persons of color were in this cityduring the first decade of the nineteenth centuryis not yet known. It has been said that therewere no Negroes in Hamilton County in 1800.[1] It isevident, too, that the real exodus of free Negroesand fugitives from the South to the Northwest Territorydid not begin prior to 1815, although their attentionhad been earlier directed to this section as a moredesirable place for colonization than the shores ofAfrica.[2] As the reaction following the era of goodfeeling toward the Negroes during the revolutionaryperiod had not reached its climax free persons of colorhad been content to remain in the South.[3] The unexpectedimmigration of these Negroes into this section andthe last bold effort made to drive them out markedepochs in their history in this city. The historyof these people prior to the Civil War, therefore,falls into three periods, one of toleration from 1800to 1826, one of persecution from 1826 to 1841, andone of amelioration from 1841 to 1861.

In the beginning the Negroes were not a live issuein Cincinnati. The question of their settlementin that community was debated but resulted in greatdiversity of opinion rather than a fixedness of judgmentamong the citizens. The question came up in theConstitutional Convention of 1802 and provoked somediscussion, but reaching no decision, the conventionsimply left the Negroes out of the pale of the newlyorganized body politic, discriminating against themtogether with Indians and foreigners, by incorporatingthe word white into the fundamental law.[4] The legislatureto which the disposition of this question was left,however, took it up in 1804 to calm the fears of thosewho had more seriously considered the so-called menaceof Negro immigration. This body enacted a law,providing that no Negro or mulatto should be allowedto remain permanently in that State, unless he couldfurnish a certificate of freedom issued by some courtin the United States. Negroes then living therehad to be registered before the following June, givingthe names of their children. No man could employa Negro who could not show such a certificate.Hiring a delinquent black or harboring or hinderingthe capture of a runaway was punishable by a fineof $50 and the owner of a fugitive thus illegally employedcould recover fifty cents a day for the services ofhis slave.[5]

As the fear of Negro immigration increased the lawof 1804 was found to be inadequate. In 1807,therefore, the legislature enacted another measureproviding that no Negro should be permitted to settlein Ohio unless he could within twenty days give abond to the amount of $500, guaranteeing his goodbehavior and support. The fine for concealinga fugitive was raised from $50 to $100, one half ofwhich should go to the informer. Negro evidenceagainst the white man was prohibited.[6] This lawtogether with that of 1830 making the Negro ineligiblefor service in the State militia, that of 1831 deprivingpersons of color of the privilege of serving uponjuries, and that of 1838 prohibiting the educationof colored children at the expense of the State, constitutedwhat were known as the “Black Laws."[7]

Up to 1826, however, the Negroes of Cincinnati hadnot become a cause of much trouble. Very littlemention of them is made in the records of this period.They were not wanted in this city but were toleratedas a negligible factor. D. B. Warden, a travelerthrough the West in 1819, observed that the blacksof Cincinnati were “good-humoured, garrulous,and profligate, generally disinclined to laboriousoccupations, and prone to the performance of lightand menial drudgery.” Here the travelerwas taking effect for cause. “Some few,”said he, “exercise the humbler trades, and someappear to have formed a correct conception of theobjects and value of property, and are both industriousand economical. A large proportion of them arereputed, and perhaps correctly, to be habituated topetit larceny.” But this had not becomea grave offence, for he said that not more than oneindividual had been corporally punished by the courtssince the settlement of the town.[8]

When, however, the South reached the conclusion thatfree Negroes were an evil, and Quakers and philanthropistsbegan to direct these unfortunates to the NorthwestTerritory for colonization, a great commotion arosein Southern Ohio and especially in Cincinnati.[9] Howrapid this movement was, may be best observed by noticingthe statistics of this period. There were 337Negroes in Ohio in 1800; 1,890 in 1810; 4,723 in 1820;9,586 in 1830; 17,342 in 1840; and 25,279 in 1850.[10]Now Cincinnati had 410 Negroes in 1819;[11] 690 in1826;[12] 2,255 in 1840;[13] and 3,237 in 1850.[14]

It was during the period between 1826 and 1840 thatCincinnati had to grapple with the problem of theimmigrating Negroes and the poor whites from the uplandsof Virginia and Kentucky. With some ill-informedpersons the question was whether that section shouldbe settled by white men or Negroes. The situationbecame more alarming when the Southern philanthropicminority sometimes afforded a man like a master ofPittsylvania County, Virginia, who settled 70 freedmenin Lawrence County, Ohio, in one day.[15] It becameunusually acute in Cincinnati because of the closesocial and commercial relations between that city

and the slave States. Early in the nineteenthcentury Cincinnati became a manufacturing center towhich the South learned to look for supplies of machinery,implements, furniture, and food.[16] The business menprospering thereby were not advocates of slavery butrather than lose trade by acquiring the reputationof harboring fugitive slaves or frightening away whitesby encouraging the immigration of Negroes, they beganto assume the attitude of driving the latter from thoseparts.

From this time until the forties the Negroes werea real issue in Cincinnati. During the late twentiesthey not only had to suffer from the legal disabilitiesprovided in the “Black Laws,” but had towithstand the humiliation of a rigid social ostracism.[17]They were regarded as intruders and denounced as anidle, profligate and criminal class with whom a self-respectingwhite man could not afford to associate. Theirchildren were not permitted to attend the public schoolsand few persons braved the inconveniences of livingunder the stigma of teaching a “nigger school.”Negroes were not welcome in the white churches andwhen they secured admission thereto they had to goto the “black pew.” Colored ministerswere treated with very little consideration by thewhite clergy as they feared that they might lose casteand be compelled to give up their churches. Thecolored people made little or no effort to go to whitetheaters or hotels and did not attempt to ride inpublic conveyances on equal footing with members ofthe other race. Not even white and colored childrendared to play together to the extent that such waspermitted in the South.[18]

This situation became more serious when it extendedto pursuits of labor. White laborers there, asin other Northern cities during this period, easilyreached the position of thinking that it was a disgraceto work with Negroes. This prejudice was so muchmore inconvenient to the Negroes of Cincinnati thanelsewhere because of the fact that most of the meniallabor in that city was done by Germans and Irishmen.Now, since the Negroes could not follow ordinary menialoccupations there was nothing left them but the lowestform of “drudgery,” for which employersoften preferred colored women. It was, therefore,necessary in some cases for the mother to earn theliving for the family because the father could getnothing to do. A colored man could not serve asan ordinary drayman or porter without subjecting hisemployer to a heavy penalty.[19]

The trades unions were then proscribing the employmentof colored mechanics. Many who had worked atskilled labor were by this prejudice forced to dodrudgery or find employment in other cities. Thepresident of a “mechanical association”was publicly tried in 1830 by that organization forthe crime of assisting a colored youth to learn atrade.[20] A young man of high character, who had atthe cabinet-making trade in Kentucky saved enoughto purchase his freedom, came to Cincinnati about

this time, seeking employment. He finally founda position in a shop conducted by an Englishman.On entering the establishment, however, the workmenthrew down their tools, declaring that the Negro hadto leave or that they would. The unfortunate“intruder” was accordingly dismissed.He then entered the employ of a slaveholder, who atthe close of the Negro’s two years of serviceat common labor discovered that the black was a mechanic.The employer then procured work for him as a roughcarpenter. By dint of perseverance and industrythis Negro within a few years became a master workman,employing at times six or eight men, but he never receiveda single job of work from a native-born citizen froma free State.[21]

The hardships of the Negroes of this city, however,had just begun. The growth of a prejudiced publicopinion led not only to legal proscription and socialostracism but also to open persecution. With thecries of the Southerners for the return of fugitivesand the request of white immigrants for the exclusionof Negroes from that section, came the demand to solvethe problem by enforcing the “Black Laws.”Among certain indulgent officials these enactmentshad been allowed to fall into desuetude. Thesevery demands, however, brought forward friends as wellas enemies of the colored people. Their firstclash was testing the constitutionality of the lawof 1807. When the question came up before theSupreme Court, this measure was upheld.[22] Encouragedby such support, the foes of the Negroes forced anexecution of the law. The courts at first hesitatedbut finally took the position that the will of thepeople should be obeyed. The Negroes asked forninety days to comply with the law and were givensixty. When the allotted time had expired, however,many of them had not given bonds as required.The only thing to do then was to force them to leavethe city. The officials again hesitated but amob quickly formed to relieve them of the work.This was the riot of 1829. Bands of ruffiansheld sway in the city for three days, as the policewere unable or unwilling to restore order. Negroeswere insulted on the streets, attacked in their homes,and even killed. About a thousand or twelve hundredof them found it advisable to leave for Canada Westwhere they established the settlement known as Wilberforce.[23]

This upheaval, though unusually alarming, was notaltogether a bad omen. It was due not only tothe demands which the South was making upon the Northand the fear of the loss of Southern trade, but alsoto the rise of the Abolition Societies, the growthof which such a riotous condition as this had materiallyfostered. In a word, it was the sequel of thestruggle between the proslavery and the anti-slaveryelements of the city. This was the time whenthe friends of the Negroes were doing most for them.Instead of frightening them away a group of respectablewhite men in that community were beginning to think

that they should be trained to live there as usefulcitizens. Several schools and churches for themwere established. The Negroes themselves providedfor their own first school about 1820; but one Mr.Wing had sufficient courage to admit persons of colorto his evening classes after their first efforts hadfailed. By 1834 many of the colored people werereceiving systematic instruction.[24] To some enemiesof these dependents it seemed that the tide was aboutto turn in favor of the despised cause. Negroesbegan to raise sums adequate to their elementary educationand the students of Lane Seminary supplemented theseefforts by establishing a colored mission school whichoffered more advanced courses and lectures on scientificsubjects twice a week. These students, however,soon found themselves far in advance of public opinion.[25]They were censured by the faculty and to find a morecongenial center for their operations they had togo to Oberlin in the Western Reserve where a largernumber of persons had become interested in the causeof the despised and rejected of men.

During the years from 1833 to 1836 the situation inCincinnati grew worse because of the still largerinflux of Negroes driven from the South by intolerableconditions incident to the reaction against the race.To solve this problem various schemes were broughtforth. Augustus Wattles tells us that he appearedin Cincinnati about this time and induced numbersof the Negroes to go to Mercer County, Ohio, wherethey took up 30,000 acres of land.[26] Others wentto Indiana and purchased large tracts on the publicdomain.[27] Such a method, however, seemed ratherslow to the militant proslavery leaders who had learnednot only to treat the Negroes as an evil but to denouncein the same manner the increasing number of abolitionistsby whom it was said the Negroes were encouraged toimmigrate into the State.

The spirit of the proslavery sympathizers was wellexhibited in the upheaval which soon followed.This was the riot of July 30, 1836. It was aneffort to destroy the abolition organ, The Philanthropist,edited by James G. Birney, a Southerner who had broughthis slaves from Huntsville, Alabama, to Kentucky andfreed them. The mob formed in the morning, wentto the office of The Philanthropist, destroyedwhat printed matter they could find, threw the typeinto the street, and broke up the press. Theythen proceeded to the home of the printer, Mr. Pugh,but finding no questionable matter there, they leftit undisturbed. The homes of James G. Birney,Mr. Donaldson and Dr. Colby were also threatened.The next homes to be attacked were those of ChurchAlley, the Negro quarter, but when two guns were firedupon the assailants they withdrew. It was reportedthat one man was shot but this has never been proved.The mob hesitated some time before attacking thesehouses again, several of the rioters declaring thatthey did not care to endanger their lives. Asecond onset was made, but it was discovered thatthe Negroes had deserted the quarter. On findingthe houses empty the assailants destroyed their contents.[28]

Yet undaunted by this persistent opposition the Negroesof Cincinnati achieved so much during the years between1835 and 1840 that they deserved to be ranked amongthe most progressive people of the world.[29] Theirfriends endeavored to enable them through schools,churches and industries to embrace every opportunityto rise. These 2,255 Negroes accumulated, largelyduring this period, $209,000 worth of property, exclusiveof personal effects and three churches valued at $19,000.Some of this wealth consisted of land purchased inOhio and Indiana. Furthermore, in 1839 certaincolored men of the city organized “The IronChest Company,” a real estate firm, which builtthree brick buildings and rented them to white men.One man, who a few years prior to 1840 had thoughtit useless to accumulate wealth from which he mightbe driven away, had changed his mind and purchased$6,000 worth of real estate. Another Negro, whohad paid $5,000 for himself and family, had boughta home worth $800 or $1,000. A freedman, who wasa slave until he was twenty-four years old, then hadtwo lots worth $10,000, paid a tax of $40 and had320 acres of land in Mercer County. Another, whowas worth only $3,000 in 1836, had seven houses inCincinnati, 400 acres of land in Indiana, and anothertract in the same county. He was worth $12,000or $15,000. A woman who was a slave until shewas thirty was then worth $2,000. She had alsocome into potential possession of two houses on whicha white lawyer had given her a mortgage to secure thepayment of $2,000 borrowed from this thrifty woman.Another Negro, who was on the auction block in 1832,had spent $2,600 purchasing himself and family andhad bought two brick houses worth $6,000 and 560 acresof land in Mercer County, said to be worth $2,500.[30]

This unusual progress had been promoted by two forces,the development of the steamboat as a factor in transportationand the rise of the Negro mechanic. Negroes employedon vessels as servants to the travelling public amassedlarge sums received in the form of “tips.”Furthermore, the fortunate few, constituting the stewardsof these vessels, could by placing contracts for suppliesand using business methods realize handsome incomes.Many Negroes thus enriched purchased real estate andwent into business in Cincinnati.[31] The other force,the rise of the Negro mechanic, was made possibleby overcoming much of the prejudice which had at firstbeen encountered. A great change in this respecthad taken place in Cincinnati by 1840. Many whohad been forced to work as menial laborers then hadthe opportunity to show their usefulness to theirfamilies and to the community. Colored mechanicswere then getting as much skilled labor as they coulddo. It was not uncommon for white artisans tosolicit employment of colored men because they hadthe reputation of being better paymasters than masterworkmen of the more favored race.[32] White mechanicsnot only worked with colored men but often associatedwith them, patronized the same barber shop, and wentto the same places of amusement.[33]

In this prosperous condition the Negroes could helpthemselves. Prior to this period they had beenunable to make any sacrifices for charity and education.Only $150 of the $1,000 raised for Negro educationin 1835 was contributed by persons of color.In 1839, however, the colored people raised $889.30for this purpose, and thanks to their economic progress,this task was not so difficult as that of raising the$150 in 1835. They were then spending considerableamounts for evening and writing schools, attendedby seventy-five persons, chiefly adults. In 1840Reverend Mr. Denham and Mr. Goodwin had in their schoolssixty-five pupils each paying $3 per quarter, andMiss Merrill a school of forty-seven pupils payingthe same tuition. In all, the colored peoplewere paying these teachers about $1,300 a year.The only help the Negroes were then receiving wasthat from the Ladies’ Anti-Slavery Society,which employed one Miss Seymour at a salary of $300a year to instruct fifty-four pupils. Moreover,the colored people were giving liberally to objectsof charity. Some Negroes burned out in 1839 werepromptly relieved by members of their own race.A white family in distress was befriended by a coloredwoman. The Negroes contributed also to the supportof missionaries in Jamaica and during the years from1836 to 1840 assisted twenty-five emancipated slaveson their way from Cincinnati to Mercer County, Ohio.[34]

During this period they had made progress in otherthan material things. Their improvement in religionand morals was remarkable. They then had fourflourishing Sabbath Schools with 310 regular attendants,one Baptist and two Methodist churches with a membershipof 800, a “Total Abstinence Temperance Society”for adults numbering 450, and a “Sabbath Schoolor Youth’s Society” of 180 members.A few of these violated their pledges, but when weconsider the fact that one fourth of the entire coloredpopulation belonged to temperance organizations whileless than one tenth of the whites were thus connected,we must admit that this was no mean achievement.Among the Negroes public sentiment was then such thatno colored man could openly sell intoxicating drinks.This growing temperance was exhibited, too, in thedecreasing fondness for dress and finery. Therewas less tendency to strive merely to get a fine suitof clothes and exhibit one’s self on the streets.Places of vice were not so much frequented and barbershops which on Sundays formerly became a rendezvousfor the idle and the garrulous were with few exceptionsclosed by 1840. This influence of the religiousorganizations reached also beyond the limits of Cincinnati.A theological student from the State of New York saidafter spending some time in New Orleans, that theinfluence of the elevation of the colored people ofCincinnati was felt all the way down the river.Travelers often spoke of the difference in the appearanceof barbers and waiters on the boats.[35]

It was in fact a brighter day for the colored people.In 1840 an observer said that they had improved fasterthan any other people in the city. The CincinnatiGazette after characterizing certain Negroes asbeing imprudent and vicious, said of others: “Manyof these are peaceable and industrious, raising respectablefamilies and acquiring property."[36] Mr. James H.Perkins, a respectable citizen of the city, assertedthat the day school which the colored children attendedhad shown by examination that it was as good as anyother in the city. He said further: “Thereis no question, I presume, that the colored populationof Cincinnati, oppressed as it has been by our statelaws as well as by prejudice, has risen more rapidlythan almost any other people in any part of the world."[37]Within three or four years their property had morethan doubled; their schools had become firmly established,and their churches and Sunday Schools had grown asrapidly as any other religious institutions in thecity. Trusting to good conduct and character,they had risen to a prosperous position in the eyesof those whose prejudices would “allow them tolook through the skin to the soul."[38]

The colored people had had too many enemies in Cincinnati,however, to expect that they had overcome all opposition.The prejudice of certain labor groups against theNegroes increased in proportion to the prosperityof the latter. That they had been able to do aswell as they had was due to the lack of strength onthe part of the labor organizations then forming tocounteract the sentiment of fair play for the Negroes.Their labor competed directly with that of the whitesand began again to excite “jealousy and heartburning."[39] The Germans, who were generally toilingup from poverty, seemed to exhibit less prejudice;but the unfortunate Irish bore it grievously that evena few Negroes should outstrip some of their race inthe economic struggle.

In 1841 there followed several clashes which aggravatedthe situation. In the month of June one Burnettreferred to as “a mischievous and swaggeringEnglishman running a cake shop,” had harboreda runaway slave. When a man named McCalla, hisreputed master, came with an officer to reclaim thefugitive, Burnett and his family resisted them.The Burnetts were committed to answer for this infractionof the law and finally were adequately punished.The proslavery mob which had gathered undertook todestroy their home but the officials prevented them.Besides, early in August according to a report, a Germancitizen defending his blackberry patch near the citywas attacked by two Negroes and stabbed so severelythat he died. Then about three weeks thereafter,according to another rumor, a very respectable ladywas insultingly accosted by two colored men, and whenshe began to flee two others rudely thrust themselvesbefore her on the sidewalk. But in this case,as in most others growing out of rumors, no one couldever say who the lady or her so-called assailantswere. At the same time, too, the situation wasfurther aggravated by an almost sudden influx of irresponsibleNegroes from various parts, increasing the number ofthose engaged in noisy frolics which had become anuisance to certain white neighbors.[40]

Accordingly, on Tuesday, the twenty-ninth of August,there broke out on the corner of Sixth and Broadwaya quarrel in which two or three persons were wounded.On the following night the fracas was renewed.A group of ruffians attacked the Dumas Hotel, a coloredestablishment, on McCallister Street, demanding thesurrender of a Negro, who, they believed, was concealedthere. As the Negroes of the neighborhood cameto the assistance of their friends in the hotel themob had to withdraw. On Thursday night theretook place another clash between a group of youngmen and boys and a few Negroes who seriously woundedone or two of the former. On Friday evening themob incited to riotous acts by an influx of whiteruffians, seemingly from the steamboats and the Kentuckyside of the river, openly assembled in Fifth StreetMarket without being molested by the police, armedthemselves and marched to Broadway and Sixth Street,shouting and swearing. They attacked a coloredconfectionery store near by, demolishing its doorsand windows. James W. Piatt, an influential citizen,and the mayor then addressed the disorderly persons,vainly exhorting them to peace and obedience to thelaw. Moved by passionate entreaties to executetheir poorly prepared plan, the assailants advancedand attacked the Negroes with stones. The blacks,however, had not been idle. They had secured sufficientguns and ammunition to fire into the mob such a volleythat it had to fall back. The aggressors ralliedagain, however, only to be in like manner repulsed.Men were wounded on both sides and carried off andreported dead. The Negroes advanced courageously,and according to a reporter, fired down the streetinto the mass of ruffians, causing a hasty retreat.This melee continued until about one o’clockwhen a part of the mob secured an iron six pounder,hauled it to the place of combat against the exhortationsof the powerless mayor, and fired on the Negroes.With this unusual advantage the blacks were forcedto retreat, many of them going to the hills.About two o’clock the mayor of the city broughtout a portion of the “military” which succeededin holding the mob at bay.[41]

On the next day the colored people in the districtunder fire were surrounded by sentinels and put undermartial law. Indignation meetings of law-abidingcitizens were held on Saturday to pass resolutions,denouncing abolitionists and mobs and making an appealto the people and the civil authorities to upholdthe law. The Negroes also held a meeting andrespectfully assured the mayor and citizens that theywould use every effort to conduct themselves orderlyand expressed their readiness to give bond accordingto the law of 1807 or leave the city quietly withina specified time. But these steps availed littlewhen the police winked at this violence. Therioters boldly occupied the streets without arrestand continued their work until Sunday. The mayor,sheriff and marshal went to the battle ground about

three o’clock but the mob still had control.The officers could not even remove those Negroes whocomplied with the law of leaving. The authoritiesfinally hit upon the scheme of decreasing the excitementby inducing about 300 colored men to go to jail forsecurity after they had been assured that their wivesand children would be protected. The Negroesconsented and were accordingly committed, but thecowardly element again attacked these helpless dependentslike savages. At the same time other rioters stormedthe office of The Philanthropist and brokeup the press. The mob continued its work untilit dispersed from mere exhaustion. The Governorfinally came to the city and issued a proclamationsetting forth the gravity of the situation. Thecitizens and civil authorities rallied to his supportand strong patrols prevented further disorder.[42]

It is impossible to say exactly how many were killedand wounded on either side. It is probable thatseveral were killed and twenty or thirty variouslywounded, though but few dangerously. Forty ofthe mob were arrested and imprisoned. Exactlywhat was done with all of them is not yet known.It seems that few, if any of them, however, were severelypunished. The Negroes who had been committed forsafe keeping were thereafter disposed of in variousways. Some were discharged on certificates ofnativity, others gave bond for their support and goodbehavior, a few were dismissed as non-residents, anumber of them were discharged by a justice of theCourt of Common Pleas, and the rest were held indefinitely.[43]

This upheaval had two important results. Theenemies of the Negroes were convinced that there weresufficient law-abiding citizens to secure to the refugeesprotection from mob violence; and because of theseriots their sympathizers became more attached to theobjects of their philanthropy. Abolitionists,Free Soilers and Whigs fearlessly attacked the lawswhich kept the Negroes under legal and economic disabilities.Petitions praying that these measures be repealed weresent to the legislature. The proslavery elementof the State, however, was equally militant.The legislators, therefore, had to consider such questionsas extradition and immigration, State aid and colonization,the employment of colored men in the militia service,the extension of the elective franchise, and the admissionof colored children to the public schools.[44] Mostof these “Black Laws” remained until afterthe war, but in 1848 they were so modified as to givethe Negroes legal standing in courts and to providefor their children such education as a school taxon the property of colored persons would allow[45]and further changed in 1849[46] so as to make theprovision for education more effective.

The question of repealing the other oppressive lawscame up in the Convention of 1850. It seemedthat the cause of the Negroes had made much progressin that a larger number had begun to speak for them.But practically all of the members of the conventionwho stood for the Negroes were from the Western Reserve.After much heated discussion the colored people wereby a large majority of votes still left under thedisabilities of being disqualified to sit on juries,unable to obtain a legal residence so as to entera charitable institution supported by the State, anddenied admission to public schools established forwhite children.[47]

The greatest problem of the Negroes, however, wasone of education. There were more persons interestedin furnishing them facilities of education than inrepealing the prohibitive measures, feeling that theother matters would adjust themselves after givingthem adequate training. But it required sometime and effort yet before much could be effectedin Cincinnati because of the sympathizers with theSouth. The mere passing of the law of 1849 didnot prove to be altogether a victory. Complyingwith the provisions of this act the Negroes electedtrustees, organized a system, and employed teachers,relying on the money allotted them by the law on thebasis of a per capita division of the school fundreceived by the board of education. So great wasthe prejudice of people of the city that the schoolofficials refused to turn over the required fundson the grounds that the colored trustees were notelectors and, therefore, could not be office-holders,qualified to receive and disburse funds. Underthe leadership of John I. Gaines, therefore, the trusteescalled an indignation meeting and raised sufficientmoney to employ Flamen Ball, an attorney, to securea writ of mandamus. The case was contested bythe city officials, even in the Supreme Court, whichdecided against the officious whites.[48]

This decision did not solve the whole problem in Cincinnati.The amount raised was small and even had it been adequateto employ teachers, they were handicapped by anotherdecision that no portion of it could be used for buildingschoolhouses. After a short period of accomplishingpractically nothing the law was amended in 1853[49]so as to transfer the control of such schools to themanagers of the white system. This was takenas a reflection on the blacks of the city and tendedto make them refuse to cooperate with the white board.On account of the failure of this body to act effectivelyprior to 1856, the people of color were again givenpower to elect their own trustees.[50]

During this contest certain Negroes of Cincinnatiwere endeavoring to make good their claim to equalrights in the public schools. Acting upon thiscontention a colored man sent his son to a public schoolwhich, on account of his presence, became a centerof unusual excitement. Isabella Newhall, theteacher, to whom he went, immediately complained tothe board of education, requesting that he be expelledbecause of his color. After “due deliberation”the board of education decided by a vote of 15 to10 that the colored pupil would have to withdraw.Thereupon two members of that body, residing in thedistrict of the timorous teacher, resigned.[51]

Many Negroes belonging to the mulatto class, however,were more successful in getting into the white schools.In 1849 certain parents complained that children ofcolor were being admitted to the public schools, andin fact there were in one of them two daughters ofa white father and a mulatto mother. On complainingabout this to the principal of the school in question,the indignant patrons were asked to point out theundesirable pupils. “They could not; for,”says Sir Charles Lyell, “the two girls werenot only among the best pupils, but better lookingand less dark than many of the other pupils."[52]

Thereafter, however, much progress in the educationof the colored people among themselves was noted.By 1844 they had six schools of their own and beforethe war two well-supported public schools.[53] Amongtheir teachers were such useful persons as Mrs. M.J. Corbin, Miss Lucy Blackburn, Miss Anne Ryall, MissVirginia C. Tilley, Miss Martha E. Anderson, WilliamH. Parham, William R. Casey, John G. Mitchell andPeter H. Clark.[54] The pupils were showing their appreciationby regular attendance, excellent deportment, and progressin the acquisition of knowledge. Speaking ofthese Negroes in 1855, John P. Foote said that theyshared with the white citizens that respect for educationand the diffusion of knowledge, which has been oneof their “characteristics,” and that theyhad, therefore, been more generally intelligent thanfree persons of color not only in other parts of thiscountry but in all other parts of the world.[55] Itwas in appreciation of the worth of this class tothe community that in 1844[56] Nicholas Longworthhelped them to establish an orphan asylum and in 1858built for them a comfortable school building, leasingit with a privilege of purchasing it within four years.[57]They met these requirements within the stipulatedtime and in 1859 secured through other agencies theconstruction of another building in the western portionof the city.

The most successful of these schools, however, wasthe Gilmore High School, a private institution foundedby an English clergyman. This institution offeredinstruction in the fundamentals and in some vocationalstudies. It was supported liberally by the benevolentelement of the white people and patronized and appreciatedby the Negroes as the first and only institution offeringthem the opportunity for thorough training. Itbecame popular throughout the country, attracting Negroesfrom as far South as New Orleans[58] Rich Southernplanters found it convenient to have their mulattochildren educated in this high school.[59]

The work of these schools was substantially supplementedby that of the colored churches. They directedtheir attention not only to moral and religious welfareof the colored people but also to their mental development.Through their well-attended Sunday-schools these institutionsfurnished many Negroes of all classes the facilitiesof elementary education. Such opportunities wereoffered at the Baker Street Baptist Church, the ThirdStreet Baptist Church, the Colored Christian Church,the New Street Methodist Church, and the African MethodistChurch. Among the preachers then promoting thiscause were John Warren, Rufus Conrad, Henry Simpson,and Wallace Shelton. Many of the old citizensof Cincinnati often refer with pride to the valuableservices rendered by these leaders.

In things economic the Negroes were exceptionallyprosperous after the forties. Cincinnati hadthen become a noted pork-packing and manufacturingcenter. The increasing canal and river trafficand finally the rise of the railroad system tendedto make it thrive more than ever. Many coloredmen grew up with the city. A Negro had in theEast End on Calvert Street a large cooperage establishmentwhich made barrels for the packers. Knight andBell were successful contractors noted for their skilland integrity and employed by the best white peopleof the city. Robert Harlan made considerablemoney buying and selling race horses. ThompsonCooley had a successful pickling establishment.On Broadway A. V. Thompson, a colored tailor, conducteda thriving business. J. Pressley and Thomas Ballwere the well-known photographers of the city, establishedin a handsomely furnished modern gallery which waspatronized by some of the wealthiest people. SamuelT. Wilcox, who owed his success to his position asa steward on an Ohio River line, thereafter went intothe grocery business and built up such a large tradeamong the aristocratic families that he accumulated$59,000 worth of property by 1859.[60]

A more useful Negro had for years been toiling upwardin this city. This man was Henry Boyd, a Kentuckyfreedman, who had helped to overcome the prejudiceagainst colored mechanics in that city by exhibitingthe highest efficiency. He patented a cordedbed which became very popular, especially in the Southwest.With this article he built up a creditable manufacturingbusiness, employing from 18 to 25 white and coloredmen.[61] He was, therefore, known as one of the desirablemen of the city. Two things, however, seeminglyinterfered with his business. In the first place,certain white men, who became jealous of his success,burned him out and the insurance companies refusedto carry him any longer. Moreover, having todo chiefly with white men he was charged by his peoplewith favoring the miscegenation of races. Whetheror not this was well founded is not yet known, buthis children and grandchildren did marry whites andwere lost in the so-called superior race.

A much more interesting Negro appeared in Cincinnati,however, in 1847. This was Robert Gordon, formerlythe slave of a rich yachtsman of Richmond, Virginia.His master turned over to him a coal yard which hehandled so faithfully that his owner gave him all ofthe slack resulting from the handling of the coal.This he sold to the local manufacturers and blacksmithsof the city, accumulating thereby in the course oftime thousands of dollars. He purchased himselfin 1846 and set out for free soil. He went firstto Philadelphia and then to Newburyport, but findingthat these places did not suit him, he proceeded toCincinnati. He arrived there with $15,000, someof which he immediately invested in the coal businessin which he had already achieved marked success.He employed bookkeepers, had his own wagons, builthis own docks on the river, and bought coal by barges.[62]

Unwilling to see this Negro do so well, the whitecoal dealers endeavored to force him out of the businessby lowering the price to the extent that he couldnot afford to sell. They did not know of his acumenand the large amount of capital at his disposal.He sent to the coal yards of his competitors mulattoeswho could pass for white, using them to fill his currentorders from his foes’ supplies that he mightsave his own coal for the convenient day. Inthe course of a few months the river and all the canalsby which coal was brought to Cincinnati froze up andremained so until spring. Gordon was then ableto dispose of his coal at a higher price than it hadever been sold in that city. This so increasedhis wealth and added to his reputation that no onethereafter thought of opposing him.

Gordon continued in the coal business until 1865 whenhe retired. During the Civil War he investedhis money in United States bonds. When thesebonds were called in, he invested in real estate onWalnut Hills, which he held until his death in 1884.This estate descended to his daughter Virginia AnnGordon who married George H. Jackson, a descendantof slaves in the Custis family of Arlington, Virginia.Mr. Jackson is now a resident of Chicago and is managingthis estate.[63] Having lived through the antebellumand subsequent periods, Mr. Jackson has been madeto wonder whether the Negroes of Cincinnati are doingas well to-day as Gordon and his colaborers were.This question requires some attention, but an inquiryas to exactly what forces have operated to impede theprogress of a work so auspiciously begun would leadus beyond the limits set for this dissertation.

C. G. WOODSON

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Quillin, “The Color Line in Ohio,”18.

[2] “Tyrannical Libertymen,” 10-11; Locke,“Antislavery,” 31-32; Branagan, “SeriousRemonstrance,” 18.

[3] Woodson, “The Education of the Negro Priorto 1861,” 230-231.

[4] Constitution, Article I, Sections 2, 6.

[5] Laws of Ohio, II, 63.

[6] Laws of Ohio, V, 53.

[7] Hickok, “The Negro in Ohio,” 41, 42.

[8] Warden, “Statistical, Political and HistoricalAccount of the United States of North America,”264.

[9] Quillin, “The Color Line in Ohio,”32.

[10] The Census of the United States, from 1800 to1850.

[11] Flint’s Letters in Thwaite’s “EarlyWestern Travels,” IX, 239.

[12] Cist, “Cincinnati in 1841,” 37; CincinnatiDaily Gazette, Sept. 14, 1841.

[13] Ibid.

[14] United States Census, 1850.

[15] Ohio State Journal, May 3, 1827; AfricanRepository, III, 254.

[16] Abdy, “Journal of a Tour in the UnitedStates,” III, 62.

[17] Jay, “Miscellaneous Writings on Slavery,”27, 373, 385, 387; Minutes of the Convention of theColored People of Ohio, 1849.

[18] Barber, “A Report on the Condition of theColored People of Ohio,” 1840.

[19] Proceedings of the Ohio Antislavery Convention,1835, 19.

[20] Ibid.

[21] Proceedings of the Ohio Antislavery Convention,1835, 19.

[22] African Repository, V, 185.

[23] African Repository, V, 185.

[24] For a lengthy account of these efforts see Woodson’s“The Education of the Negro Prior to 1861,”245, 328, 329; and Hickok, “The Negro in Ohio,”83, 88.

[25] Fairchild, “Oberlin: Its Origin, Progressand Results.”

[26] Howe, “Historical Collections of Ohio,”356.

[27] The Southern Workman, XXXVII, 169.

[28] For a full account see Howe, “HistoricalCollections of Ohio,” 225-226.

[29] Barber, “Report on the Condition of theColored People in Ohio,” 1840, and The Philanthropist,July 14 and 21, 1840.

[30] These facts are taken from A. D. Barber’s“Report on the Condition of the Colored Peoplein Ohio” and from other articles contributedto The Philanthropist in July, 1840.

[31] In this case I have taken the statements of Negroeswho were employed in this capacity.

[32] The Philanthropist, July 14 and 24, 1840;and May 26, 1841.

[33] Hickok, “The Negro in Ohio,” 89.

[34] The Philanthropist, July 14 and 21, 1840.

[35] The Philanthropist, July 21, 1840.

[36] The Cincinnati Daily Gazette, September14, 1841.

[37] The Philanthropist, July 21, 1840.

[38] Ibid.

[39] The Cincinnati Daily Gazette, September14, 1841.

[40] A detailed account of these clashes is givenin The Cincinnati Daily Gazette, September14, 1841.

[41] The Cincinnati Daily Gazette, September,1841.

[42] A very interesting account of this riot is givenin Howe’s “Historical Collections of Ohio,”pages 226-228.

[43] It was discovered that not a few of the mob camefrom Kentucky. About eleven o’clock onSaturday night a bonfire was lighted on that sideof the river and loud shouts were sent up as if triumphhad been achieved. “In some cases.”says a reporter, “the directors were boys whosuggested the point of attack, put the vote, declaredthe result and led the way.”—­Cin.Daily Gaz., Sept. 14, 1841.

[44] Hickok, “The Negro in Ohio,” 90 etseq.

[45] Laws of Ohio, XL, 81.

[46] Ibid., LIII, 118.

[47] The Convention Debates.

[48] Special Report of the United States Commissionerof Education, 1871, page 372.

[49] Laws of Ohio.

[50] Ibid., LIII, 118.

[51] The New York Tribune, February 19, 1855.

[52] Lyell, “A Second Visit to the United Statesof North America,” II, 295, 296.

[53] The Weekly Herald and Philanthropist,June 26, 1844, August 6, 1844, and January 1, 1845.

[54] The Cincinnati Directory of 1860.

[55] Foote, “The Schools of Cincinnati,”92.

[56] The Weekly Herald and Philanthropist,August 23, 1844.

[57] Special Report of the United States Commissionerof Education, 372.

[58] Simmons, “Men of Mark,” 490.

[59] A white slaveholder, a graduate of Amherst, taughtin this school. See Weekly Herald and Philanthropist,June 26, 1844.

[60] These facts were obtained from oral statementsof Negroes who were living in Cincinnati at this time;from M. R. Delany’s “The Condition ofthe Colored People in the United States”; fromA. D. Barber’s “Report on the Conditionof the Colored People in Ohio,” 1840; and fromvarious Cincinnati Directories.

[61] Delany, “The Condition of the Colored Peoplein the United States,” 92.

[62] The Cincinnati Directory for 1860.

[63] For the leading facts concerning the life ofRobert Gordon I have depended on the statements ofhis children and acquaintances and on the variousdirectories and documents giving evidence concerningthe business men of Cincinnati.

THE STORY OF MARIA LOUISE MOORE AND FANNIE M. RICHARDS[1]

The State of Virginia has been the home of distinguishedpersons of both sexes of the white and colored races.A dissertation on the noted colored women of Virginiawould find a small circle of readers but would, nevertheless,contain interesting accounts of some of the most importantachievements of the people of that State. Thestory of Maria Louise Moore-Richards would be a largechapter of such a narrative. She was born ofwhite and Negro parentage in Fredericksburg, Virginia,in 1800. Her father was Edwin Moore, a Scotchmanof Edinburgh. Her mother was a free woman ofcolor, born in Toronto when it was called York.Exactly how they came to Fredericksburg is not known.It seems, however, that they had been well establishedin that city when Maria Louise Moore was born.

This woman was fortunate in coming into the worldat that time. So general had been the effortsfor the elevation of the colored people that freeNegroes had many of the privileges later given onlyto white people. Virginia then and for a longtime thereafter ranked among the commonwealths mostliberal toward the Negro. The dissemination ofinformation among them was not then restricted, privateteaching of slaves was common, and progressive communitiesmaintained colored schools.[1a] In Fredericksburgsuch opportunities were not rare. The parentsof Maria Louise Moore fortunately associated with thefree Negroes who constituted an industrial class withadequate means to provide for the thorough trainingof their children. Miss Moore, therefore, easilyacquired the rudiments of education and attained somedistinction as a student of history.

In 1820 Miss Moore was married to Adolphe Richards,a native of the Island of Guadaloupe. He wasa Latin of some Negro blood, had noble ancestry, andhad led an honorable career. Educated in Londonand resident in Guadaloupe, he spoke both Englishand French fluently. Because of poor health inlater years he was directed by his friends to thesalubrious climate of Virginia. He settled atFredericksburg, where he soon became captivated bythe charms of the talented Maria Louise Moore.On learning of his marriage, his people and friendsmarveled that a man of his standing had married acolored woman or a Southern woman at all.

Adjusting himself to this new environment, Mr. Richardsopened a shop for wood-turning, painting and glazing.It is highly probable that he learned these tradesin the West Indies, but having adequate means to maintainhimself, he had not depended on his mechanical skill.In Fredericksburg he had the respect and support ofthe best white people, passing as one of such well-to-dofree Negroes as the Lees, the Cooks, the De Baptistes,who were contractors, and the Williamses, who werecontractors and brickmakers. His success was ina large measure due to the good standing of the familyof Mrs. Richards and to the wisdom with which shedirected this West Indian in his new environment.

They had in all fourteen children, the training ofwhom was largely the work of the mother. Allof them were well grounded in the rudiments of educationand given a taste for higher things. In the courseof time when the family grew larger the task of educatingthem grew more arduous. Some of them probablyattended the school conducted by a Scotch-Irishmanin the home of Richard De Baptiste. When the reactionagainst the teaching of Negroes effected the closingof the colored schools in Virginia, this one continuedclandestinely for many years. Determined to haveher children better educated, Mrs. Richards sent oneof her sons to a school conducted by Mrs. Beecham,a remarkable English woman, assisted by her daughter.These women were bent on doing what they could to

evade the law interpreted as prohibiting any one fromeither sitting or standing to teach a black to read.They, therefore, gathered the colored children aroundthem while they lay prostrate on the couch to teachthem. For further evasion they kept on hand splintersof wood which they had the children dip into a matchpreparation and use with a flint for ignition to makeit appear that they were showing them how to makematches. When this scheme seemed impracticable,one of the boys was sent to Washington in the Districtof Columbia to attend the school maintained by JohnF. Cook, a successful educator and founder of theFifteenth Street Presbyterian Church. This youngman was then running the risk of expatriation, forVirginia had in 1838 passed a law, prohibiting thereturn to that State of those Negroes, who after theprohibition of their education had begun to attendschools in other parts.[2]

It was because of these conditions that in 1851 whenher husband died Mrs. Richards sold out her propertyand set out to find a better home in Detroit, Michigan.Some of the best white people of Fredericksburg commendedher for this step, saying that she was too respectablea woman to suffer such humiliation as the reactionhad entailed upon persons of her race.[3] She wasfollowed by practically all of the best free Negroesof Fredericksburg. Among these were the Lees,the Cooks, the Williamses and the De Baptistes.A few years later this group attracted the Pelhamfamily from Petersburg. They too had tired ofseeing their rights gradually taken away and, therefore,transplanted themselves to Detroit.

The attitude of the people of Detroit toward immigratingNegroes had been reflected by the position the peopleof that section had taken from the time of the earliestsettlements. Slavery was prohibited by the Ordinanceof 1787. In 1807 there arose a case in which awoman was required to answer for the possession oftwo slaves. Her contention was that they wereslaves on British territory at the time of the surrenderof the post in 1796 and that Jay’s Treaty assuredthem to her. Her contention was sustained.[4]A few days later a resident of Canada attempted underthis ruling to secure the arrest and return of somemulatto and Indian slaves who had escaped from Canada.The court held that slavery did not exist in Michiganexcept in the case of slaves in the possession ofthe British settlers within the Northwest TerritoryJuly 11, 1796, and that there was no obligation togive up fugitives from a foreign jurisdiction.An effort was made to take the slaves by force butthe agent of the owner was tarred and feathered.[4]

Generally speaking, Detroit adhered to this position.[4a]In 1827 there was passed an act providing for theregistry of the names of all colored persons, requiringthe possession of a certificate showing that theywere free and a bond in the sum of $500 for their goodbehavior.[5] This law was obnoxious to the growingsentiment of freedom in Detroit and was not enforceduntil the Riot of 1833. This uprising was an attackon the Negroes because a courageous group of themhad effected the rescue and escape of one ThorntonBlackburn and his wife, who had been arrested by thesheriff as alleged fugitives from Kentucky.[6] Theanti-slavery feeling considerably increased thereafter.The Detroit Anti-Slavery Society was formed in 1837,other societies to secure the relief and escape ofslaves quickly followed and still another was organizedto find employment and purchase homes for refugees.[7]This change of sentiment is further evidenced by thefact that in 1850 it was necessary to call out thethree companies of volunteers to quell an incipientriot occasioned by the arrest and attempt to returna runaway slave in accordance with the Fugitive SlaveLaw. Save the general troubles incident to thedraft riots of the Northern cities of 1863,[8] Detroitmaintained this benevolent attitude toward Negroesseeking refuge.

In this favorable community the Richards colony easilyprospered. The Lees well established themselvesin their Northern homes and soon won the respect ofthe community. Most of the members of the Williamsfamily confined themselves to their trade of bricklayingand amassed considerable wealth. One of Mr. Williams’sdaughters married a well-to-do Waring living thenat Wauseon, Ohio; another became the wife of one Chappee,who is now a stenographer in Detroit; and the thirdunited in matrimony with James H. Cole, who becamethe head of a well-to-do family of Detroit. Thenthere were the Cooks descending from Lomax B. Cook,a broker of no little business ability. Will MarionCook, the musician, belongs to this family. TheDe Baptistes, too, were among the first to get a footholdin this new environment and prospered materially fromtheir experience and knowledge acquired in Fredericksburgas contractors.[8a] From this group came Richard DeBaptiste, who in his day was the most noted coloredBaptist preacher in the Northwest. The Pelhamswere no less successful in establishing themselvesin the economic world. They enjoyed a high reputationin the community and had the sympathy and cooperationof the influential white people in the city.Out of this family came Robert A. Pelham, for yearseditor of a weekly in Detroit, and from 1901 to thepresent time an employee of the Federal Governmentin Washington.[9]

The children of Mrs. Richards were in no sense inferiorto the descendants of the other families. Shelived to see her work bear fruit in the distinguishedservices they rendered and the desirable connectionswhich they made after the Civil War. Her daughterJulia married Thomas F. Carey who, after conductinga business for some years in New York, moved to Toronto,where he died. From this union came the wifeof D. Augustus Straker. Her daughter Evalina marriedDr. Joseph Ferguson who, prior to 1861, lived in Richmond,Virginia, uniting the three occupations of leecher,cupper and barber. This led to his coming toDetroit to study medicine. He was graduated thereand practiced for many years in that city. Beforethe Civil War her son John D. Richards was sent toRichmond to learn a trade. There he met and becamethe lifelong friend of Judge George L. Ruffin, whowas then living in that city.[10]

The most prominent and the most useful person to emergefrom this group of pioneering Negroes was her daughterFannie M. Richards. She was born in Fredericksburg,Virginia, October 1, 1841. As her people leftthat State when she was quite young she did not seeso much of the intolerable conditions as did the oldermembers of the family. Miss Richards was successfulin getting an early start in education. Desiringto have better training than what was then given topersons of color in Detroit, she went to Toronto.There she studied English, history, drawing and needlework.In later years she attended the Teachers TrainingSchool in Detroit. Her first thought was to takeup teaching that she might do something to elevateher people. She, therefore, opened a privateschool in 1863, doing a higher grade of work than thatthen undertaken in the public schools. About 1862,however, a colored public school had been opened bya white man named Whitbeck. Miss Richards beganto think that she should have such a school herself.

Her story as to how she realized her ambition is veryinteresting. Going to her private school onemorning, she saw a carpenter repairing a building.Upon inquiry she learned that it was to be opened asColored School Number 2. She went immediatelyto William D. Wilkins, a member of the board of education,who, impressed with the personality of the young woman,escorted her to the office of superintendent of schools,Duane Dotty. After some discussion of the matterMiss Richards filed an application, assured that shewould be notified to take the next examination.At the appointed time she presented herself along withseveral other applicants who hoped to obtain the position.Miss Richards ranked highest and was notified to reportfor duty the following September. Early one morningshe proceeded to her private school in time to informher forty pupils of the desirable change and conductedthem in a body to their new home.

Miss Richards taught in this building until 1871,when by a liberal interpretation of the courts, theschools were mixed by ignoring race distinction whereverit occurred in the school laws of Michigan. Shewas then transferred to the Everett School where sheremained until last June when she was retired on apension after having served that system half a century.Although she taught very few colored children she saidto a reporter several years ago:

“I have never been made to feelin any way that my race has been a handicap tome. Neither my pupils nor the teachers have evershown prejudice; I do not doubt that it exists;I shall be in Heaven long before it has all disappeared,but I say it is with a colored teacher as it iswith a white one. Her work is the only thing thatcounts. I have never been called before theboard for a reprimand in all my years of teaching.The methods have changed a good deal since thetime that I started in and it would be easy to lagbehind, but I try not to. It means continualreading and study to keep up with the modern wayof doing things, but I manage to do it, and when thetime comes that I cannot do my work in a satisfactorymanner I want the Board of Education to dischargeme and get some one else.”

In testimony to these facts one of the daily papersof Detroit wrote her up in 1910, saying that she hadkept her interest in modern pedagogic methods, maintaineda high standard of scholarship in her school, andretained her sympathy with little children, who hadrewarded her devotion to her work with their appreciationand love. To show how well she is loved by herpupils the writer was careful to state that thesechildren as a gay group often surrounded her on herway to school, clinging to her hands, crowding abouther as best they may, all chattering and pouring outaccounts of their little doings. “Frequently,”says this writer, “she is stopped on the streetby grown men and women who long ago were her pupilsand who have remembered her, though with the passingof the years, and the new classes of little ones whocome to her every term, she has forgotten them."[11]Many have been accustomed to bring their childrento the Everett School and speak of how glad they willbe when these little ones will be under the care oftheir parents’ former teacher.

Miss Richards estimates that in the years of schoolwork, she has had in her room an average of fiftypupils a term, although sometimes the attendance overflowedto a much greater number. With eighty-eight termsof teaching to her credit, the number of pupils whoowe part of their education to “this gentleand cultured woman” amounts well up into thetens of thousands, enough to populate a fair-sizedcity.

We can not close this article with a better testimonialthan the following letter from one of her former pupils,the Honorable Charles T. Wilkins, a lawyer and aninfluential white citizen, who addressed her on theoccasion of her retirement last June.

“My dear Miss Richards: The friendshipof so long standing between your family and mine,and the high esteem in which, as an educator, a woman,and a Christian, you were always held by my fatherthe late Colonel William D. Wilkins, lead me to takethe liberty of writing to congratulate youupon the well-earned retirement from active work,which I have just learned from the press that you contemplateafter so many years well spent in faithful serviceto our community. As a citizen and one who hasalways been most interested in the education of ouryouth, I wish to add my thanks to those which are felt,if not expressed by the many who know of your devotionto and success in leading the young in the way inwhich they should go.

“Though your active participation in this workis about to cease, may you long be spared as an exampleto those who follow you is the earnest hope of

“Yours very sincerely and respectfully,

(Signed) “Charles T. Wilkins”

W. B. HARTGROVE

FOOTNOTES:

[1] For many of the facts set forth in this articlethe writer is indebted to Miss Fannie M. Richards,Robert A. Pelham, and C. G. Woodson.

[1a] Woodson, The Ed. of the Negro Prior to 1861,pp. 92, 217, 218.

[2] The law was as follows: Be it enacted bythe General Assembly that if any free person of color,whether infant or adult, shall go or be sent or carriedbeyond the limits of this Commonwealth for the purposeof being educated, he or she shall be deemed to haveemigrated from the State and it shall not be lawfulfor him or her to return to the same; and if any suchperson shall return within the limits of the Statecontrary to the provisions of this act, he or she beingan infant shall be bound out as an apprentice untilthe age of 21 years, by the overseers of the poorof the county or corporation where he or she may be,and at the expiration of that period, shall be sentout of the State agreeably to the provisions of thelaws now in force, or which may hereafter be enactedto prohibit the migration of free persons of colorto this State; and if such person be an adult, he orshe shall be sent in like manner out of the Commonwealth;and if any persons having been so sent off, shallhereafter return within the State, he or she so offendingshall be dealt with and punished in the same manneras is or may be prescribed by law in relating to otherpersons of color returning to the State after havingbeen sent therefrome. Acts of the General Assemblyof Virginia, 1838, p. 76.

[3] The following enactments of the Virginia GeneralAssembly will give a better idea of the extent ofthis humiliation:

4. Be it further enacted that allmeetings of free Negroes or mulattoes at any schoolhouse, church, meeting-house or other place forteaching them reading or writing, either in the dayor night, under whatsoever pretext, shall be deemedand considered as an unlawful assembly; and anyjustice of the county or corporation, whereinsuch assemblage shall be, either from his own knowledge,or on the information of others, of such unlawfulassemblage or meeting, shall issue his warrantdirected to any sworn officer or officers, authorizinghim or them to enter the house or houses where suchunlawful assemblage or meeting may be, for the purposeof apprehending or dispersing such free Negroesor mulattoes and to inflict corporal punishmenton the offender or offenders at the discretionof any justice of the peace, not exceeding 20 lashes.

5. Be it further enacted that ifany white person or persons assemble with freeNegroes or mulattoes, at any school house, church,meeting-house, or other place for the purpose of instructingsuch free Negroes or mulattoes to read or write,such person or persons shall, on conviction thereof,be fined in a sum not exceeding fifty dollars,and moreover may be imprisoned at the discretionnot exceeding two months.

6. Be it further enacted that ifany white persons for pay or compensation, shallassemble with any slaves for the purpose of teachingand shall teach any slave to read or write, such personsor any white person or persons contracting withsuch teacher so to act, who shall offend as aforesaid,shall for each offence, be fined at the discretionof a jury in a sum not less than ten nor exceedingone hundred dollars, to be recovered on an informationor indictment. Acts of the General Assemblyof Virginia, 1831, p. 107.

I. Be it enacted by the General Assemblyof Virginia that no slave, free Negro or mulatto,whether he shall have been ordained or licensedor otherwise, shall hereafter undertake to preach,exhort or conduct or hold any assembly or meeting,for religious or other purposes, either in theday time or at night; and any slave, free Negroor mulatto so offending shall for every such offencebe punished with stripes at the discretion ofany justice of the peace, not exceeding 39 lashes;and any person desiring so to do, shall have authoritywithout any previous written precept or otherwise,to apprehend any such offender and carry him beforesuch justice.

II. Any slave, free Negro or mulattowho shall hereafter attend any preaching, meetingor other assembly, held or pretended to be held forreligious purposes, or other instruction, conductedby any slave, free Negro or mulatto preacher,ordained or otherwise; any slave who shall hereafterattend any preaching in the night time althoughconducted by a white minister, without a written permissionfrom his or her owner, overseer or master or agentof either of them, shall be punished by stripesat the discretion of any justice of the peace,not exceeding 39 lashes, and may for that purpose beapprehended by any person, without any writtenor other precept:

Provided, That nothing hereincontained shall be so construed as to preventthe master or owner of slaves or any white person towhom any free Negro or mulatto is bound, or inwhose employment, or on whose plantation or lotsuch free Negro or mulatto lives, from carryingor permitting any such slave, free Negro or mulatto,to go with him, her or them, or with any partof his, her, or their white family to any placeof worship, conducted by a white minister in the nighttime: And provided also, That nothing in thisor any former law, shall be construed as to preventany ordained or licensed white minister of thegospel, or any layman licensed for that purpose bythe denomination to which he may belong, from preachingor giving religious instruction to slaves, freeNegroes and mulattoes in the day time; nor todeprive any masters or owners of slaves of the rightto engage, or employ any free white person whom theythink proper to give religious instruction totheir slaves; nor to prevent the assembling ofslaves of any one owner or master together at anytime for religious devotion. Acts of the GeneralAssembly of Virginia, 1831-1832, pp. 20-21.

[4] Campbell, Political History of Michigan, 246.

[4a] Slavery did not immediately cease, however.The number of slaves in the vicinity of Detroit in1773 were ninety-six; 127 in 1778; and 175 in 1783.Detroit had a colored population of 15 in 1805 andtwo years later a number had sufficiently increasedfor Governor Hull to organize a company of militiaamong them. The increase had been due to the comingof refugees from Canada. The Census of 1810 showed17 slaves in Detroit; that of 1830 shows 32 in Michiganand an enumeration subsequent to 1836 shows that allwere dead or manumitted. See Census of the UnitedStates.

[5] Laws of Michigan, 1827.

[6] This riot occurred on June 14, 1833. ThorntonBlackburn and his wife, the alleged runaways fromKentucky, were lodged in jail pending the departureof a boat. A crowd of colored men and women, armedwith clubs, stones and pistols, gathered in the vicinityof the jail. Upon the pretext of visiting Blackburn’swife a colored woman was admitted to the jail andby an exchange of clothing effected the escape of theprisoner who immediately crossed into Canada.Some time thereafter the sheriff attempted to takehis other prisoner to the boat, but was knocked downand badly beaten. During the encounter the sherifffired into the mob, but Blackburn was rescued andcarried to Canada. This caused a great disturbanceamong the white people. They armed themselvesand attacked the blacks wherever they could be found.The city council convened and undertook to disposeof the trouble by enforcing the law of 1827 requiringthat colored people should stay off the streets atnight. Utley, Byron and McCutcheon, “Michiganas a Province and State,” II, 347.

[7] Five years after the organization of the DetroitAnti-Slavery Society Henry Bibb, an ex-slave, cameto the city and lectured for two years under the auspicesof the Liberty Association, which was promoting theelection of anti-slavery candidates. Public sentimentagainst slavery was becoming such that the Legislatureof Michigan passed a law prohibiting the use of jailsto detain fugitives. Frederick Douglass and JohnBrown found many friends of their cause in Detroit.Of the many organized efforts made to circumvent thelaw and assist fugitives one society purchased landand established homes for as many as 50 families between1850 and 1872. Farmer, “History of Detroitand Michigan,” I, Chapter XLVIII.

[8] The immediate cause of the riot in Detroit wasthe arrest, conviction, and imprisonment of a coloredman called William Faulkner charged with committingan assault on a little girl. Feeling that theprisoner was guilty, bands of ruffians swept throughthe streets and mercilessly beat colored people.Seven years later it was discovered that Faulknerwas innocent and to reimburse him for his losses andhumiliation the same ruffians raised a handsome sumto set him up in business. See Farmer’sHistory of Detroit and Michigan, Chapter XLVIII.

[8a] A study of the directories of Detroit shows thata considerable number of Negroes had entered the higherpursuits of labor. See especially the DetroitDirectory for 1865.

[9] Simmons, “Men of Mark,” 356.

[10] In 1853 Judge Ruffin moved with his parents fromRichmond to Boston, where he became judge of the CharlestonDistrict. Simmons, “Men of Mark,”469.

[11] This information was obtained from newspaperclippings in the possession of Miss Fannie M. Richards.

THE PASSING TRADITION AND THE AFRICAN CIVILIZATION

A close examination shows that what we know aboutthe Negro both of the present and the past vitallyaffects our opinions concerning him. Men’sbeliefs concerning things are to a large extent determinedby where they live and what has been handed down tothem. We believe in a hell of roaring flameswhere in the fiercest of heat the souls of the wickedare subject to eternal burnings. This idea ofhell was evolved in the deserts of the Arabian Peninsulawhere heat is one of the greatest forces of naturewith which man has to contend. Among the nativetribes of Northern Siberia dwelling in the regionsof perpetual ice and snow, hell is a place filledwith great chunks of ice upon which the souls of thewicked are placed and there subjected to eternal freezings.This idea of hell was evolved in the regions whereman is in a continual battle with the cold.

The beliefs of Negroes concerning themselves haveto a large extent been made for them. The readerno doubt will be interested to know that the prevailingnotions concerning the inferiority of the Negro grewup to a large extent as the concomitant to Negro slaveryin this country. The bringing of the first Negroesfrom Africa as slaves was justified on the groundsthat they were heathen. It was not right, it wasargued, for Christians to enslave Christians, butthey could enslave heathen, who as a result wouldhave an opportunity to become Christians. TheseNegro slaves did actually become Christians and asa result the colonists were forced to find other groundsto justify their continuation of the system. Thenext argument was that they were different from whitepeople. Here we have a large part of the beginningsof the doctrine of the inferiority of the Negro.

When, about 1830, anti-slavery agitation arose inthis country, a new set of arguments were broughtforward to justify slavery. First in importancewere those taken from the Bible. Science alsowas called upon and brought forward a large numberof facts to demonstrate that by nature the Negro wasespecially fitted to be a slave. It happened thatabout this time anthropology was being developed.Racial differences were some of the things which especiallyinterested scientists in this field. The raceswere defined according to certain physical characteristics.These, it was asserted, determined the superiorityor inferiority of races. The true Negro race,said the early anthropologists, had characteristicswhich especially indicated its inferiority. Throughour geographies, histories and encyclopedias we havebecome familiar with representations of this so-calledtrue Negro, whose chief characteristics were a blackskin, woolly hair, protuberant lips and a recedingforehead. Caricaturists seized upon these characteristicsand popularized them in cartoons, in songs and inother ways. Thus it happened that the Negro, throughthe descriptions that he got of himself, has comelargely to believe in his inherent inferiority andthat to attain superiority he must become like thewhite man in color, in achievements and, in fact,along all lines.

In recent years it has been asked, “Why cannotthe Negro attain superiority along lines of his own,”that is, instead of simply patterning after what thewhite man has done, why cannot the Negro through music,art, history, and science, make his own special contributionsto the progress of the world? This question hasarisen because in the fields of science and historythere have been brought forward a number of facts whichprove this possibility. First of all, the leadingscientists in the field of anthropology are tellingus that while there are differences of races, thereare no characteristics which per se indicate that onerace is inferior or superior to another. Theexisting differences are differences in kind not invalue. On the other hand, whatever superiorityone race has attained over another has been largelydue to environment.

A German writer in a discussion of the origin of Africancivilizations said some time ago “What boldinvestigators, great pioneers, still find to tellus in civilizations nearer home, proves more and moreclearly that we are ignorant of hoary Africa.Somewhat of its present, perhaps, we know, but ofits past little. Open an illustrated geographyand compare the ‘Type of the African Negro,’the bluish-black fellow of the protuberant lips, theflattened nose, the stupid expression and the shortcurly hair, with the tall bronze figures from DarkAfrica with which we have of late become familiar,their almost fine-cut features, slightly arched nose,long hair, etc., and you have an example of theproblems pressing for solution. In other respects,

too, the genuine African of the interior bears noresemblance to the accepted Negro type as it figureson drug and cigar store signs, wearing a shabby stovepipehat, plaid trousers, and a vari-colored coat.A stroll through the corridors of the Berlin Museumof Ethnology teaches that the real African need byno means resort to the rags and tatters of bygoneEuropean splendor. He has precious ornaments ofhis own, of ivory and plumes, fine plaited willow ware,weapons of superior workmanship. Justly can itbe demanded ’What sort of civilization is this?Whence does it come?’”

It is also pointed out that one of the most importantcontributions to the civilization of mankind was veryprobably made by the Negro race. This was theinvention of the smelting of iron. The facts broughtforward to support this view are: that no ironwas smelted in Europe before 900 B.C.; that about3000 B.C., there began to appear on the Egyptian monumentspictures of Africans bringing iron from the South toEgypt; that at a time considerably later than thisiron implements began to appear in Asia; that thereis no iron ore in Egypt; and that in Negro Africa ironore is abundant. In many places it is found ontop of the ground and in some parts it can be meltedby simply placing a piece of ore in the fire verymuch as you would a potato to be roasted.

Studies in the fields of ancient and medieval historyare also showing that in the past there were in NegroAfrica civilizations of probable indigenous originwhich attained importance enough to be mentioned inthe writings of the historians and poets of thoseperiods. The seat of one of the highest of thesecivilizations was Ethiopia. Here the Negro nationattained the greatest fame. As early as 2,500years before the birth of Christ the Ethiopians appearedto have had a considerable civilization. It waswell known to the writers of the Bible and is referredto therein some forty-nine times. In Genesiswe read of Cush, the eldest son of Ham. Cushis the Hebrew word for black and means the same asEthiopia. One of the most famous sons of Cushwas Nimrod, whom the Bible mentions as being “amighty hunter before the Lord; whereof it is said,like Nimrod, a mighty hunter before the Lord.”The Bible refers to Ethiopia as being far distantfrom Palestine. In the book of Isaiah we read“the land of the rustling of wings which isbeyond the rivers of Ethiopia that sendeth ambassadorsby the sea.” The rivers of Ethiopia mentionedin Isaiah are the upper tributaries of the Nile, theAtbara, the Blue Nile and the Sobat.

The later capital of Ethiopia was Meroe. Recentexcavations have shown Meroe to have been a city largerthan Memphis. The Temple of Ammon, where kingswere crowned, was one of the largest in the valleyof the Nile. The great walls of cut stones were15 feet thick and 30 feet high. Heaps of iron-slagand furnaces for smelting iron were discovered, andthere were magnificent quays and landing places on

the river side, for the export of iron. Excavationshave also shown that for 150 years Egypt was a dependencyof Ethiopia. The kings of the twenty-third andtwenty-fourth Egyptian dynasties were really governorsappointed by Ethiopian overlords, while the twenty-fifthdynasty was founded by the Ethiopian king, Sabako,in order to check Assyrian aggression. Palestinewas enabled to hold out against Assyria by Ethiopianhelp. Sennacherib’s attempt to capture Jerusalemand carry the Jews into captivity, was frustratedby the army of the Ethiopian king, Taharka. Thenation and religion of Judah were thus preserved frombeing absorbed in heathen lands like the lost Ten Tribes.The Negro soldiers of the Sudan saved the Jewish religion.

The old Greek writers were well acquainted with Ethiopia.According to them in the most ancient times thereexisted to the South of Egypt a nation and a landdesignated as Ethiopia. This was the land wherethe people with the sunburnt faces dwelt. TheGreek poet, Homer, mentions the Ethiopians as dwellingat the uttermost limits of the earth, where they enjoyedpersonal intercourse with the gods. In one placeHomer said that Neptune, the god of the sea, “hadgone to feast with the Ethiopians who dwell afar off,the Ethiopians who are divided into two parts, themost distant of men, some at the setting of the sun,others at the rising.” Herodotus, the Greekhistorian, described the Ethiopians as long lived andtheir country as extending to the Southern Sea.

The great fame of the Ethiopians is thus sketchedby the eminent historian, Heeren, who in his historicalresearches says: “In the earliest traditionsof nearly all the more civilized nations of antiquity,the name of this distant people is found. Theannals of the Egyptian priests were full of them;the nations of inner Asia, on the Euphrates and Tigris,have interwoven the fictions of the Ethiopians withtheir own traditions of the conquests and wars oftheir heroes; and, at a period equally remote, theyglimmer in Greek mythology. When the Greeks scarcelyknew Italy and Sicily by name, the Ethiopians werecelebrated in the verses of their poets; they spokeof them as the ‘remotest nation,’ the ‘mostjust of men,’ the ‘favorites of the gods,’The lofty inhabitants of Olympus journey to them andtake part in their feasts; their sacrifices are themost agreeable of all that mortals can offer them.And when the faint gleam of tradition and fable givesway to the clear light of history, the luster of theEthiopians is not diminished. They still continuethe object of curiosity and admiration; and the pensof cautious, clear-sighted historians often placethem in the highest rank of knowledge and civilization.”

Of these facts most modern historians know but littleand Negroes in general almost nothing. For example,how many have ever heard of Al-Bekri, the Arab writer,who in the eleventh century wrote a description ofthe Western Sudan of such importance that it gainedhim the title of “The Historian of Negro Land”?How much, by means of research, might be learned ofthe town of Ghana situate on the banks of the Niger,which the historian Al-Bekri described as a meetingplace for commercial caravans from all parts of theworld? This town, he said, contained schools andcenters of learning. It was the resort of thelearned, the rich, and the pious of all nations.Likewise, most of us have never heard perhaps of anotherArab writer, Iben Khaldun, who in writing about themiddle of the fourteenth century of Melle, anotherof the kingdoms of the Sudan, reported that caravansfrom Egypt consisting of twelve thousand laden camelspassed every year through one town on the easternborder of the empire on their way to the capital ofthe nation. The load of a camel was three hundredpounds. 12,000 camel loads amounted, therefore, tosomething like 1,600 tons of merchandise. Atthis time we are told that there was probably not aship in any of the merchant navies of the world whichcould carry one hundred tons. 250 years later theaverage tonnage of the vessels of Spain was 300 tonsand that of the English much less. The largestship which Queen Elizabeth had in her navy, the GreatMary, had a capacity of a thousand tons; but itwas considered an exception and the marvel of the age.

Another thing that is not generally known is the importanceto which some of these Negro kingdoms of the WesternSudan attained during the middle ages and the firstcenturies of the modern era. In size and permanencythey compared favorably with the most advanced nationsof Europe. The kingdom of Melle of which thehistorian, Iben Khaldun, wrote, had an area of over1,000 miles in extent and existed for 250 years.It was the first of the kingdoms of the Western Sudanto be received on equal terms with the contemporarywhite nations. The greatest of all the Sudan stateswas the kingdom of Songhay which, in its golden age,had an area almost equal to that of the United Statesand existed from about 750 A.D. to 1591. Thereis a record of the kings of Songhay in regular successionfor almost 900 years. The length of the lifeof the Songhay empire coincides almost exactly withthe life of Rome from its foundation as a republicto its downfall as an empire.

The greatest evidences of the high state of civilizationwhich the Sudan had in the fourteenth and fifteenthcenturies were the attention that was paid to educationand the unusual amount of learning that existed there.The university of Sankore at Timbuctu was a very activecenter of learning. It was in correspondencewith the universities of North Africa and Egypt.It was in touch with the universities of Spain.

In the sixteenth century Timbuctu had a large learnedclass living at ease and busily occupied with theelucidation of intellectual and religious problems.The town swarmed with students. Law, literature,grammar, theology and the natural sciences were studied.The city of Melle had a regular school of science.One distinguished geographer is mentioned, and allusionsto surgical science show that the old maxim of theArabian schools, “He who studies anatomy pleasesGod,” was not forgotten. One of these writersmentions that his brother came from Jenne to Timbuctuto undergo an operation for cataract of the eyes atthe hands of a celebrated surgeon there. It issaid that the operation was wholly successful.The appearance of comets, so amazing to Europe ofthe Middle Ages and at the present time to the ignorant,was by these learned blacks noted calmly as a matterof scientific interest. Earthquakes and eclipsesexcited no great surprise.

The renowned writer of the Sudan was Abdurrahman Essadi.He was born in Timbuctu in 1596. He came of learnedand distinguished ancestors. He is chief authorof the history of Sudan. The book is said to bea wonderful document. The narrative deals mainlywith the modern history of the Songhay Empire, andrelates the rise of this black civilization throughthe fifteenth and sixteenth centuries and its decadenceup to the middle of the seventeenth century.The noted traveller, Barth, was of the opinion thatthe book forms one of the most important additionsthat the present age has made to the history of mankind.The work is especially valuable for the unconsciouslight which it throws upon the life, manners, politics,and literature of the country. It presents a vividpicture of the character of the men with whom it deals.It is sometimes called the Epic of the Sudan.

From this brief sketch which I have given of the Africanin ancient and medieval times it is clear that Negroesshould not despise the rock from which they were hewn.As a race they have a past which is full of interest.It is worthy of serious study. From it we candraw inspiration; for it appears that not all blackmen everywhere throughout the ages have been “hewersof wood and drawers of water.” On the contrary,through long periods of time there were powerful blacknations which have left the records of their achievementsand of which we are just now beginning to learn alittle. This little, however, which we have learnedteaches us that the Negroes of today should work andstrive. Along their own special line and in theirown peculiar way they should endeavor to make contributionsto civilization. Their achievements can be suchthat once more black will be dignified and the fameof Ethiopia again spread throughout the world.

MONROE N. WORK

THE MIND OF THE AFRICAN NEGRO AS REFLECTED IN HIS PROVERBS

As a study of folk literature of different races offersone way of understanding their mental attitude towardlife and its problems, the folk literature of theNegro will reveal to us his inherent moral and intellectualbias and the natural trend of his philosophy.Let us therefore examine some phases of this subject,paying particular attention to that part which relatesespecially to the proverbs. The sources of suchliterature are abundant. A little research ina well-equipped library brings one into a curiousand informing mass of knowledge, ever increasing inbulk, in the French, German and English languages,as well as in many strange and highly inflected Africantongues.

A cursory reading of this literature discloses atonce that our general knowledge of Africa has beenbased in the past mainly on those external facts thatstrike the sense of sight, such as the physical appearanceof the population, native dress and handiwork, musicalinstruments, implements of warfare, and customs peculiarto the social and religious life of the people.Only through the folk literature, however, can we geta glimpse of the working of the mind of the AfricanNegro. Professor Henry Drummond, although hehad traveled in Africa and had written at length aboutit, still exhibited a longing for this insight whenhe observed: “I have often wished thatI could get inside of an African for an afternoon andjust see how he looked at things.” At thattime much of the folk literature of that continentwas not as now available. A deeper and more extensivereading of it at present strengthens our belief inthe ancient saying “Out of Africa there is alwayssomething new,” a rather disquieting thought,if we have reached the conclusion that native cultureon that continent has never risen above the zero point.

A critical examination of the content of this folkliterature will result in a division somewhat similarto that found in the same type of literature of otherraces. Such a division discloses stories, poetry,riddles and proverbs. The African folk literatureis especially rich in proverbs. So numerous arethese proverbs that it has been said that there isscarcely an object presented to the eye, scarcelyan idea excited in the mind, but it is accompaniedby some sententious aphorism, founded on close observationof man and animals and in many cases of a decidedlymoral tendency. Lord Bacon remarked many yearsago that “the genius, wit and spirit of a nationare discovered in its proverbs.” Cervantesin Don Quixote says “Methinks, Sancho,that there is no proverb that is not true, becausethey are all judgments drawn from the same experiencewhich is the mother of all knowledge.”If these sayings be true, then the proverbs of theAfrican Negro should be examined in order to see ifthey approach these observations.

For convenience of the reader an effort has been madeto arrange these sententious sayings under generalsubjects. These selected by no means exhaustthe mine of African proverbial lore but are only afew nuggets that suggest the Negro’s power toinfer and generalize and to express himself in a graphicand concise way relative to life as he observed andexperienced it.[1]

Anger
Anger does nobody good, butpatience is the father of kindness.

Assistance
Not to aid one in distressis to kill him in your heart.

Birth
Birth does not differ frombirth; as the free man was born so was
the slave.
In the beginning our Lordcreated all. With him there is neither
slave nor free man, but everyone is free.

Boasting
Boasting is not courage.He who boasts much cannot do much. Much
gesticulation does not provecourage.

Borrowing
Borrowing is easy but theday of payment is hard.

Chance
He who waits for chance maywait for a year.

Character
Wherever a man goes to dwellhis character goes with him. Every
man’s character is goodin his own eyes.

Charity
Charity is the father of sacrifice.

Children
There is no wealth withoutchildren. It is the duty of children to
wait on elders, not elderson children.

Condemnation
You condemn on hearsay evidencealone, your sins increase.

Contempt
Men despise what they do notunderstand.

Covetousness
If thou seeketh to obtainby force what our Lord did not give thee,
thou wilt not get it.

Danger of Beauty
He who marries a beauty, marriestrouble.

Danger of Poverty
Beg help and you will meetwith refusals; ask for alms and you will
meet with misers.

Danger of Wealth
It is better to be poor andlive long than rich and die young.

Disposition
A man’s dispositionis like a mark in a stone, no one can efface it.

Doing Good
If one does good, God willinterpret it to him for good.

Duty to One’s Self
Do not repair another man’sfence until you have seen to your own.

Effort
You cannot kill game by lookingat it.

Evil Doer
The evil doer is ever anxious.

Experience
We begin by being foolishand we become wise by experience.

Familiarity
Familiarity induces contempt,but distance secures respect.

Faults
Faults are like a hill, youstand on your own and you talk about
those of other people.

Faults of the Rich
If thou art poor, do not makea rich man thy friend.
If thou goest to a foreigncountry, do not alight at a rich man’s
house.

Favor of the Great
To love the king is not bad,but a king who loves you is better.

Folly
After a foolish action comesremorse.

Forethought
A person prepared beforehandis better than after reflection.
The day on which one startsis not the time to commence one’s
preparation.

Forgiveness
He who forgives ends the quarrel.

Friends
There are three friends inthis world—­courage, sense, and insight.

Friendship
Hold a true friend with bothof your hands.

Future
Thou knowest the past butnot the future.
As to what is future, evena bird with a long neck can not see it,
but God only.

Gossip
Gossip is unbecoming an elder.

Gentleness
A matter dealt with gentlyis sure to prosper, but a matter dealt
with violently causes vexation.

Hate
There is no medicine for hate.

Heart
It is the heart that carriesone to heaven.

Heathen
He is a heathen who bearsmalice.

Hope
Hope is the pillar of theworld.

Ignorance
Lack of knowledge is darkerthan night.
An ignorant man is alwaysa slave.
Whoever works without knowledgeworks uselessly.

Immortality
Since thou hast no benefactorin this world, thy having one in the
next world will be all themore pleasant.

Injury
He who injures another bringsinjury upon himself.

Laziness
Laziness lends assistanceto fatigue.
A lazy man looks for lightemployment.

Love
One does not love anotherif one does not accept anything from him.
If you love the children ofothers, you will love your own even
better.

Meekness
If one knows thee not or ablind man scolds thee, do not become
angry.

Mother
Him whose mother is no more,distress carries off.

Necessity of Effort
The sieve never sifts mealby itself.

Old Age
There are no charms or medicineagainst old age.

Opportunity
The dawn does not come twiceto wake a man.

Patience
At the bottom of patiencethere is heaven.
Patience is the best of qualities;he who possesses it possesses
all things.

People
Ordinary people are as commonas grass, but good people are dearer
than the eye.

Politeness
Bowing to a dwarf will notprevent your standing erect again.
“I have forgotten thyname” is better than “I know thee not.”

Poverty
A poor man has no friends.
He who has no house has noword in society.

Riches
Property is the prop of life.
A wealthy man always has followers.

Sleep
Sleep has no favorites.

Strife
Strife begets a gentle child.

Sun
The sun is the king of torches.

Trade
Trade is not something imaginaryor descriptive, but something real
and profitable.

Truth
Lies, however numerous, willbe caught by truth when it rises up.
The voice of truth is easilyknown.

Unselfishness
If you love yourself otherswill hate you, if you humble yourself
others will love you.

Valor
Boasting at home is not valor;parade is not battle; when war comes
the valiant will be known.
The fugitive never stops topick the thorn from his foot.

Wisdom
A man may be born to wealth,but wisdom comes only with length of days.
A man with wisdom is betteroff than a stupid man with any amount of
charms and superstition.
Know thyself better than hewho speaks of thee.
Not to know is bad, not towish to know is worse.
A counsellor who understandsproverbs soon sets matters right.

PROVERBS BASED ON THE OBSERVATIONOF ANIMALS

Butterfly
The butterfly that brushesagainst thorns will tear its wings.

Dog
If the dog is not at home,he barks not.
A heedless dog will not dofor the chase.
A lurking dog does not liein the hyena’s lair.

Elephant
He who can not move an ant,and yet tries to move an elephant, shall
find out his folly.
The elephant does not findhis trunk heavy.
Were no elephant in the jungle,the buffalo would be a great animal.

Fly
If the fly flies, the froggoes not supperless to bed.

Fox
When the fox dies, fowls donot mourn.

Goat
When the goat goes abroad,the sheep must run.

Rat
When the rat laughs at thecat, there is a hole.
The rat has not power to callthe cat to account.
The rat does not go to sleepin the cat’s bed.

Wolf
He who goes with the wolfwill learn to howl.

A. O. STAFFORD

FOOTNOTE:

[1] Among the works which have been consulted in thepreparation of this
article are the following:
R. F. Burton, Wit andWisdom from West Africa.
S. W. Koelle, AfricanNative Literature.
A. B. Ellis, The YorubaSpeaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West
Africa.
Heli Chatelin, FolkTales of Angola.

WHAT THE NEGRO WAS THINKING DURING THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY

ESSAY ON NEGRO SLAVERY[1]

NO. 1

Amidst the infinite variety of moral and politicalsubjects, proper for public commendation, it is trulysurprising, that one of the most important and affectingshould be so generally neglected. An encroachmenton the smallest civil or political privilege, shallfan the enthusiastic flames of liberty, till it shallextend over vast and distant regions, and violentlyagitate a whole continent. But the cause of humanityshall be basely violated, justice shall be woundedto the heart, and national honor deeply and lastinglypolluted, and not a breath or murmur shall arise todisturb the prevailing quiescence or to rouse the feelingsof indignation against such general, extensive, andcomplicated iniquity.—­To what cause arewe to impute this frigid silence—­this torpidindifference—­this cold inanimated conductof the otherwise warm and generous Americans?Why do they remain inactive, amidst the groans ofinjured humanity, the shrill and distressing complaintsof expiring justice and the keen remorse of pollutedintegrity?—­Why do they not rise up to assertthe cause of God and the world, to drive the fiendinjustice into remote and distant regions, and toexterminate oppression from the face of the fair fieldsof America?

When the united colonies revolted from Great Britain,they did it upon this principle, “that all menare by nature and of right ought to be free.”—­Aftera long, successful, and glorious struggle for liberty,during which they manifested the firmest attachmentto the rights of mankind, can they so soon forgetthe principles that then governed their determinations?Can Americans, after the noble contempt they expressedfor tyrants, meanly descend to take up the scourge?Blush, ye revolted colonies, for having apostatizedfrom your own principles.

Slavery, in whatever point of light it is considered,is repugnant to the feelings of nature, and inconsistentwith the original rights of man. It ought thereforeto be stigmatized for being unnatural; and detestedfor being unjust. Tis an outrage to providenceand an affront offered to divine Majesty, who hasgiven to man his own peculiar image.—­Thatthe Americans after considering the subject in thislight—­after making the most manly of allpossible exertions in defence of liberty—­afterpublishing to the world the principle upon which theycontended, viz.: “that all men areby nature and of right ought to be free,” shouldstill retain in subjection a numerous tribe of thehuman race merely for their own private use and emolument,is, of all things the strongest inconsistency, thedeepest reflexion on our conduct, and the most abandonedapostasy that ever took place, since the almightyfiat spoke into existence this habitable world.So flagitous a violation can never escape the noticeof a just Creator whose vengeance may be now on thewing, to disseminate and hurl the arrows of destruction.

In what light can the people of Europe consider Americaafter the strange inconsistency of her conduct?Will they not consider her as an abandoned and deceitfulcountry? In the hour of calamity she petitionedheaven to be propitious to her cause. Her prayerswere heard. Heaven pitied her distress, smiledon her virtuous exertions, and vanquished all herafflictions. The ungrateful creature forgets thistimely assistance—­no longer remembers herown sorrows—­but basely commences oppressionin her turn.—­Beware America! pause—­andconsider the difference between the mild effulgenceof approving providence and the angry countenance ofincensed divinity!

The importation of slaves into America ought to bea subject of the deepest regret, to every benevolentand thinking mind.—­And one of the greatestdefects in the federal system, is the liberty it allowson this head. Venerable in every thing else,it is injudicious here; and it is to be much deplored,that a system of so much political perfection, shouldbe stained with any thing that does an outrage tohuman nature. As a door, however, is open toamendment, for the sake of distressed humanity, ofinjured national reputation, and the glory of doingso benevolent a thing, I hope some wise and virtuouspatriot will advocate the measure, and introduce analteration in that pernicious part of the government.—­Sofar from encouraging the importation of slaves, andcountenancing that vile traffic in human flesh; themembers of the late continental convention[2] shouldhave seized the happy opportunity of prohibiting forever this cruel species of reprobated villainy.—­Thatthey did not do so, will for ever diminish the lusterof their other proceedings, so highly extolled, andso justly distinguished for their intrinsic value.Let us for a moment contrast the sentiments and actionsof the Europeans on this subject, with those of ourown countrymen. In France the warmest and mostanimated exertions are making, in order to introducethe entire abolition of the slave trade; and in Englandmany of the first characters of the country advocatethe same measure, with an enthusiastic philanthropy.The prime minister himself is at the head of thatsociety; and nothing can equal the ardour of theirendeavours, but the glorious goodness of the cause.[3]—­Willthe Americans allow the people of England to get thestart of them in acts of humanity? Forbid it shame!

The practice of stealing, or bartering for human fleshis pregnant with the most glaring turpitude, and theblackest barbarity of disposition.—­For canany one say, that this is doing as he would be doneby? Will such a practice stand the scrutiny ofthis great rule of moral government? Who canwithout the complicated emotions of anger and impatience,suppose himself in the predicament of a slave?Who can bear the thoughts of his relatives being tornfrom him by a savage enemy; carried to distant regionsof the habitable globe, never more to return; and

treated there as the unhappy Africans are in thiscountry? Who can support the reflexion of hisfather—­his mother—­his sister—­orhis wife—­perhaps his children—­beingbarbarously snatched away by a foreign invader, withoutthe prospect of ever beholding them again? Whocan reflect upon their being afterwards publicly exposedto sale—­obliged to labor with unweariedassiduity—­and because all things are notpossible to be performed, by persons so unaccustomedto robust exercise, scourged with all the rage andanger of malignity, until their unhappy carcassesare covered with ghastly wounds and frightful contusions?Who can reflect on these things when applying thecase to himself, without being chilled with horror,at circumstances so extremely shocking?—­Yethideous as this concise and imperfect descriptionis, of the sufferings sustained by many of our slaves,it is nevertheless true; and so far from being exaggerated,falls infinitely short of a thousand circumstancesof distress, which have been recounted by differentwriters on the subject, and which contribute to maketheir situation in this life, the most absolutelywretched, and completely miserable, that can possiblybe conceived.—­In many places in America,the slaves are treated with every circumstance ofrigorous inhumanity, accumulated hardship, and enormouscruelty.—­Yet when we take them from Africa,we deprive them of a country which God hath giventhem for their own; as free as we are, and as capableof enjoying that blessing. Like pirates we goto commit devastation on the coast of an innocentcountry, and among a people who never did us wrong.

An insatiable, avaricious desire to accumulate riches,cooperating with a spirit of luxury and injustice,seems to be the leading cause of this peculiarly degradingand ignominious practice. Being once accustomedto subsist without labour, we become soft and voluptuous;and rather than afterwards forego the gratificationof our habitual indolence and ease, we countenancethe infamous violation, and sacrifice at the shrineof cruelty, all the finer feelings of elevated humanity.

Considering things in this view, there surely canbe nothing more justly reprehensible or disgustingthan the extravagant finery of many country people’sdaughters. It hath not been at all uncommon toobserve as much gauze, lace and other trappings, onone of those country maidens as hath employed twoor three of her father’s slaves, for twelve monthsafterwards, to raise tobacco to pay for. Tisan ungrateful reflexion that all this frippery andeffected finery, can only he supported by the sweatof another person’s brow, and consequently onlyby lawful rapine and injustice. If these youngfemales could devote as much time from their amusements,as would be necessary for reflexion; or was thereany person of humanity at hand who could inculcatethe indecency of this kind of extravagance, I am persuadedthat they have hearts good enough to reject with disdain,the momentary pleasure of making a figure, in behalfof the rational and lasting delight of contributingby their forbearance to the happiness of many thousandindividuals.

In Maryland where slaves are treated with as muchlenity, as perhaps they are any where, their situationis to the last degree ineligible. They live inwretched cots, that scarcely secure them from the inclemencyof the weather; sleep in the ashes or on straw, wearthe coarsest clothing, and subsist on the most ordinaryfood that the country produces. In all thingsthey are subject to their master’s absolute command,and, of course, have no will of their own. Thuscircumstanced, they are subject to great brutality,and are often treated with it. In particular instances,they may be better provided for in this state, butthis suffices for a general description. Butin the Carolinas and the island of Jamaica, the crueltiesthat have been wantonly exercised on those miserablecreatures, are without a precedent in any other partof the world. If those who have written on thesubject, may be believed, it is not uncommon there,to tie a slave up and whip him to death.

On all occasions impartiality in the distributionof justice should be observed. The little stateof Rhode Island has been reprobated by other states,for refusing to enter into measures respecting a newgeneral government; and so far it is admitted thatshe is culpable.[4] But if she is worthy of blamein this respect, she is entitled to the highest admirationfor the philanthropy, justice, and humanity she hathdisplayed, respecting the subject I am treating on.She hath passed an act prohibiting the importationof slaves into that state, and forbidding her citizensto engage in the iniquitous traffic. So strikinga proof of her strong attachment to the rights ofhumanity, will rescue her name from oblivion, andbid her live in the good opinion of distant and unborngenerations.

Slavery, unquestionably, should be abolished, particularlyin this country; because it is inconsistent with thedeclared principles of the American Revolution.The sooner, therefore, we set about it, the better.Either we should set our slaves at liberty, immediately,and colonize them in the western territory;[5] orwe should immediately take measures for the gradualabolition of it, so that it may become a known, andfixed point, that ultimately, universal liberty, inthese united states, shall triumph.—­Thisis the least we can do in order to evince our senseof the irreparable outrages we have committed, towipe off the odium we have incurred, and to give mankinda confidence again in the justice, liberality, andhonour of our national proceedings.

It would not be difficult to show, were it necessary,that America would soon become a richer and more happycountry, provided the step was adopted. Thatcorrosive anguish of persevering in anything improper,which now embitters the enjoyments of life, wouldvanish as the mist of a foggy morn doth before therising sun; and we should find as great a disparitybetween our present situation, and that which wouldsucceed to it, as subsists between a cloudy winter,

and a radiant spring.—­Besides, our landswould not be then cut down for the support of a numeroustrain of useless inhabitants—­useless, Imean, to themselves, and effectually to us, by encouragingsloth and voluptuousness among our young farmers andplanters, who might otherwise know how to take careof their money, as well as how to dissipate it.—­Inall other respects, I conceive them to be as valuableas we are—­as capable of worthy purposes,and to possess the same dignity that we do, in theestimation of providence; although the value of theirwork apart, for which we are dependent on them, wegenerally consider them as good for nothing, and accordingly,treat them with greatest neglect.

But be it remembered, that this cause is the causeof heaven; and that the father of them as well asof us, will not fail, at a future settlement, to adjustthe account between us, with a dreadful attention tojustice.

Othello
Baltimore, May 10, 1788.

—­American Museum, IV, 412-415.

ESSAY ON NEGRO SLAVERY

No. II

Upon no better principle do we plunder the coastsof Africa, and bring away its wretched inhabitantsas slaves than that, by which the greater fish swallowsup the lesser. Superior power seems only to producesuperior brutality; and that weakness and imbecility,which ought to engage our protection, and interestthe feelings of social benevolence in behalf of thedefenceless, seems only to provoke us to acts of illiberaloutrage and unmanly violence.

The practice which has been followed by the Englishnation, since the establishment of the slave trade—­Imean that of stirring up the natives of Africa, againsteach other, with a view of purchasing the prisonersmutually taken in battle, must strike the humane mindwith sentiments of the deepest abhorrence, and conferon that people a reproach, as lasting as time itself.It is surprising that the eastern world did not unite,to discourage a custom so diabolical in its tendency,and to exterminate a species of oppression which humblesthe dignity of all mankind. But this torpid inattentioncan only be accounted for, by adverting to the savagedisposition of the times, which countenanced crueltiesunheard of at this enlightened period. What rudenessof demeanor and brutality of manner, which had beenintroduced into Europe, by those swarms of barbarians,that overwhelmed it from the north, had hardly begunto dissipate before the enlivening sun of civilization,when this infernal practice first sprang up into existence.Before this distinguished era of refined barbarity,the sons of Africa were in possession of all the mildenjoyments of peace—­all the pleasing delightsof uninterrupted harmony—­and all the diffusiveblessings of profound tranquility. Boundless mustbe the punishment, which irritated providence willinflict on those whose wanton cruelty has prompted

them to destroy this fair arrangement of nature—­thisflowery prospect of human felicity. Engulphedin the dark abyss of never ending misery, they shallin bitterness atone for the stab thus given to humannature; and in anguish unutterable expiate crimes,for which nothing less than eternal sufferings canmake adequate retribution!—­Equally iniquitousis the practice of robbing that country of its inhabitants;and equally tremendous will be the punishment.The voice of injured thousands, who have been violentlytorn from their native country, and carried to distantand inhospitable climes—­the bitter lamentationsof the wretched, helpless female—­the cruelagonizing sensations of the husband, the father andthe friend—­will ascend to the throne ofOmnipotence, and, from the elevated heights of heaven,cause him, with the whole force of almighty vengeance,to hurl the guilty perpetrators of those inhuman beings,down the steep precipice of inevitable ruin, intothe bottomless gulph of final, irretrievable, andendless destruction!

Ye sons of America, forbear!—­Consider thedire consequences, that will attend the prosecution,against which the all-powerful God of nature holdsup his hands, and loudly proclaims, desist!

In the insolence of self-consequence, we are accustomedto esteem ourselves and the Christian powers of Europe,the only civilized people on the globe; the rest withoutdistinction, we presumptuously denominate barbarians.But, when the practices above mentioned, come to bedeliberately considered—­when added to these,we take a view of the proceedings of the English inthe East Indies, under the direction of the late LordClive, and remember what happened in the streets ofBengal and Calcutta—­when we likewise reflecton our American mode of driving, butchering and exterminatingthe poor defenceless Indians, the native and lawfulproprietors of the soil—­we shall acknowledge,if we possess the smallest degree of candor, thatthe appellation of barbarian does not belong to themalone. While we continue those practices the termchristian will only be a burlesque expression, signifyingno more than that it ironically denominates the rudestsect of barbarians that ever disgraced the hand oftheir Creator. We have the precepts of the gospelfor the government of our moral deportment, in violationof which, those outrageous wrongs are committed; butthey have no such meliorating influence among them,and only adhere to the simple dictates of reason, andnatural religion, which they never violate.

Might not the inhabitants of Africa, with still greaterjustice on their side, than we have on ours, crossthe Atlantic, seize our citizens, carry them intoAfrica, and make slaves of them, provided they wereable to do it? But should this be really thecase, every corner of the globe would reverberatewith the sound of African oppression; so loud wouldbe our complaint, and so “feeling our appeal”to the inhabitants of the world at large. We

should represent them as a lawless, piratical set ofunprincipled robbers, plunderers and villains, whobasely prostituted the superior power and information,which God had given them for worthy purposes to thevilest of all ends. We should not hesitate tosay that they made use of those advantages only toinfringe upon every dictate of justice; to trampleunder foot every suggestion of principle, and to spurn,with contempt, every right of humanity.

The Algerines are reprobated all the world over, fortheir unlawful depredations; and stigmatized as pirates,for their unreasonable exactions from foreign nations.But, the Algerines are no greater pirates than theAmericans; nor are they a race more destructive tothe happiness to mankind. The depredations ofthe latter on the coast of Africa, and upon the Indians’Territory make the truth of this assertion manifest.The piratical depredations of the Algerines appearto be a judgment from heaven upon the nations, topunish their perfidy and atrocious violations of justice;and never did any people more justly merit the scourgethan Americans, on whom it seems to fall with peculiarand reiterated violence. When they yoke our citizensto the plow, and compel them to labour in that degradedmanner, they only retaliate on us for similar barbarities.For Algiers is a part of the same country, whose helplessinhabitants we are accustomed to carry away.But the English and Americans cautiously avoid engagingwith a warlike people, whom they fear to attack ina manner so base and unworthy; whilst the Algerines,more generous and courageous plunderers, are not afraidto make war on brave and well-disciplined enemies,who are capable of making a gallant resistance.

Whoever examines into the conditions of the slavesin America will find them in a state of the most uncultivatedrudeness. Not instructed in any kind of learning,they are grossly ignorant of all refinement, and havelittle else about them, belonging to the nature ofcivilized man, than mere form. They are strangersto almost every idea, that doth not relate to theirlabour or their food; and though naturally possessedof strong sagacity, and lively parts, are, in allrespects, in a state of most deplorable brutality.—­Thisis owing to the iron-hand of oppression, which evercrushes the bud of genius and binds up in chains everyexpansion of the human mind.—­Such is theirextreme ignorance that they are utterly unacquaintedwith the laws of the world—­the injunctionsof religion—­their own natural rights, andthe forms, ceremonies and privileges of marriage originallyestablished by the Divinity. Accordingly theylived in open violation of the precepts of christianityand with as little formality or restrictions as thebrutes of the field, unite for the purposes of procreation.Yet this is a civilized country and a most enlightenedperiod of the world! The resplendent glory ofthe gospel is at hand, to conduct us in safety through

the labyrinths of life. Science hath grown upto maturity, and is discovered to possess not onlyall the properties of solidity of strength, but likewiseevery ornament of elegance, and every embellishmentof fancy. Philosophy hath here attained the mostexalted height of elevation; and the art of governmenthath received such refinements among us, as hath equallyastonished our friends, our enemies and ourselves.In fine, no annals are more brilliant than those ofAmerica; nor do any more luxuriantly abound with examplesof exalted heroism, refined policy, and sympathetichumanity. Yet now the prospect begins to change;and all the splendor of this august assemblage, willsoon be overcast by sudden and impenetrable clouds;and American greatness be obliterated and swallowedup by one enormity. Slavery diffuses the gloom,and casts around us the deepest shade of approachingdarkness. No longer shall the united states ofAmerica be famed for liberty. Oppression pervadestheir bowels; and while they exhibit a fair exteriorto the other parts of the world, they are nothingmore than “painted sepulchres,” containingwithin them nought but rottenness and corruption.

Ye voluptuous, ye opulent and great, who hold in subjectionsuch numbers of your fellow-creatures, and sufferthese things to happen—­beware! Reflecton this lamentable change, that may, at a future period,take place against you. Arraigned before thealmighty Sovereign of the universe, how will you answerthe charge of such complicated enormity? The presenceof these slaves, who have been lost, for want of yourinstruction, and by means of your oppression, shallmake you dart deeper into the flames, to avoid theirjust reproaches, and seek out for an asylum, in thehidden corners of perdition.

Many persons of opulence in Virginia, and the Carolinas,treat their unhappy slaves with every circumstanceof coolest neglect, and the most deliberate indifference.Surrounded with a numerous train of servants, to contributeto their personal ease, and wallowing in all the luxuriousplenitude of riches, they neglect the wretched source,whence they draw this profusion. Many of theirnegroes, on distant estates, are left to the entiremanagement of inhuman overseers, where they sufferfor the want of that sustenance, which, at the proprietorsseat of residence, is wastefully given to the dogs.It frequently happens, on these large estates, thatthey are not clothed, ’till winter is nearlyexpired; and then, the most valuable only are attendedto; the young, and the labour-worn, having no otherallowance, in this respect, than the tattered garments,thrown off by the more fortunate. A single peckof corn a week, or the like measure of rice, is theordinary quantity of provision for a hard workingslave; to which a small quantity of meat is occasionally,tho’ rarely, added. While those miserabledegraded persons thus scantily subsist, all the produceof their unwearied toil, is taken away to satiate

their rapacious master. He, devoted wretch! thoughtlessof the sweat and toil with which his wearied, exhausteddependents procure what he extravagantly dissipates,not contented with the ordinary luxuries of life,is, perhaps, planning, at the time, some improvementon the voluptuous art.—­Thus he sets uptwo carriages instead of one; maintains twenty servants,when a fourth part of that number are more than sufficientto discharge the business of personal attendance; makesevery animal, proper for the purpose, bleed aroundhim, in order to supply the gluttonous profusion ofhis table; and generally gives away what his slavesare pining for;—­those very slaves, whoselabour enables him to display this liberality!—­Nocomment is necessary, to expose the peculiar folly,ingratitude, and infamy of such execrable conduct.

But the custom of neglecting those slaves, who havebeen worn out in our service, is unhappily found toprevail, not only among the more opulent but thro’the more extensive round of the middle and inferiorranks of life. No better reason can be givenfor this base inattention, than that they are no longerable to contribute to our emoluments. With singulardishonor, we forget the faithful instrument of pastenjoyment, and when, by length of time, it becomesdebilitated, it is, like a withered stalk, ungratefullythrown away.

Our slaves unquestionably have the strongest of allclaims upon us, for protection and support; we havingcompelled them to involuntary servitude, and deprivedthem of every means of protecting or supporting themselves.The injustice of our conduct, and barbarity of ourneglect, when this reflexion is allowed to predominate,becomes so glaringly conspicuous, as even to excite,against ourselves, the strongest emotion of detestationand abhorrence.

To whom are the wretched sons of Africa to apply forredress, if their cruel master treats them with unkindness?To whom will they resort for protection, if he isbase enough to refuse it to them? The law is nottheir friend;—­alas! too many statutes areenacted against them. The world is not theirfriend;—­the iniquity is too general andextensive. No one who hath slaves of his own,will protect those of another, less the practice shouldbe retorted. Thus when their masters abandon them,their situation is destitute and forlorn, and Godis their only friend!

Let us imitate the conduct of a neighboring state,and immediately take measures, at least, for the gradualabolition of slavery.[6] Justice demands it of us,and we ought not to hesitate in obeying its inviolablemandates.—­All the feelings of pity, compassion,affection, and benevolence—­all the emotionsof tenderness, humanity, philanthropy, and goodness—­allthe sentiments of mercy, probity, honour, and integrity,unite to solicit for their emancipation. Immortalwill be the glory of accomplishing their liberation;and eternal the disgrace of keeping them in chains.

But, if the state of Pennsylvania is to be applaudedfor her conduct, that of South Carolina can neverbe too strongly execrated.[7] The legislature of thatstate, at no very remote period, brought in a billfor prohibiting the use of letters to their slaves,and forbidding them the privilege of being taughtto read!—­This was a deliberate attempt toenslave the minds of those unfortunate objects, whosepersons they already held in arbitrary subjection:—­Detestabledeviation from the becoming rectitude of man.

One more peculiarly distressing circumstance remainsto be recounted, before I take my final leave of thesubject.—­In the ordinary course of thebusiness of the country, the punishment of relativesfrequently happens on the same farm, and in view ofeach other:—­The father often sees his belovedson—­the son his venerable sire—­themother her much-loved daughter—­the daughterher affectionate parent—­the husband thewife of his bosom, and she the husband of her affection,cruelly bound up without delicacy or mercy, and punishedwith all extremity of incensed rage, and all the rigourof unrelenting severity, whilst these unfortunate wretchesdare not even interpose in each other’s behalf.Let us reverse the case and suppose it ours:—­allis silent horror!

Othello
Maryland, May 23, 1788.

—­American Museum, IV, 509-512.

LETTER ON SLAVERY BY A NEGRO

I am one of that unfortunate race of men, who aredistinguished from the rest of the human species,by a black skin and wooly hair—­disadvantagesof very little moment in themselves, but which proveto us a source of greatest misery, because there aremen, who will not be persuaded that it is possiblefor a human soul to be lodged within a sable body.The West Indian planters could not, if they thoughtus men, so wantonly spill our blood; nor could thenatives of this land of liberty, deeming us of thesame species with themselves, submit to be instrumentalin enslaving us, or think us proper subjects of asordid commerce. Yet, strong as the prejudicesagainst us are, it will not, I hope on this side ofthe Atlantic, be considered as a crime, for a poorAfrican not to confess himself a being of an inferiororder to those, who happen to be of a different colourfrom himself; or be thought very presumptuous, inone who is but a negro, to offer to the happy subjectsof this free government, some reflections upon thewretched condition of his countrymen. They willnot, I trust, think worse of my brethren, for beingdiscontented with so hard a lot as that of slavery;nor disown me for their fellow-creature, merely becauseI deeply feel the unmerited sufferings which my countrymenendure.

It is neither the vanity of being an author, nor asudden and capricious gust of humanity, which hasprompted this present design. It has long beenconceived and long been the principal subject of mythoughts. Ever since an indulgent master rewardedmy youthful services with freedom and supplied meat a very early age with the means of acquiring knowledge,I have laboured to understand the true principles,on which the liberties of mankind are founded, andto possess myself of the language of this country,in order to plead the cause of those who were oncemy fellow slaves, and if possible to make my freedom,in some degree, the instrument of their deliverance.

The first thing then, which seems necessary, in orderto remove those prejudices, which are so unjustlyentertained against us, is to prove that we are men—­atruth which is difficult of proof, only because itis difficult to imagine, by what argument it can becombatted. Can it be contended that a differenceof colour alone can constitute a difference of species?—­ifnot in what single circumstance are we different fromthe rest of mankind? what variety is there in ourorganization? what inferiority of art in the fashoningof our bodies? what imperfection in the facultiesof our minds?—­Has not a negro eyes? hasnot a negro hands, organs, dimensions, senses, affections,passions?—­fed with the same food; hurtwith the same weapons; subject to the same diseases;healed by the same means; warmed and cooled by thesame summer and winter as a white man? if you prickus, do we not bleed? if you poison us, do we not die?are we not exposed to all the same wants? do we notfeel all the same sentiments—­are we notcapable of all the same exertions—­and arewe not entitled to all the same rights, as other men?

Yes—­and it is said we are men, it is true;but that we are men, addicted to more and worse vices,than those of any other complexion; and such is theinnate perverseness of our minds, that nature seemsto have marked us out for slavery.—­Suchis the apology perpetually made for our masters, andthe justification offered for that universal proscription,under which we labour.

But, I supplicate our enemies to be, though for thefirst time, just in their proceedings toward us, andto establish the fact before, they attempt to drawany conclusions from it. Nor let them imaginethat this can be done, by merely asserting that suchis our universal character. It is the character,I grant, that our inhuman masters have agreed to giveus, and which they have so industriously and too successfullypropagated, in order to palliate their own guilt,by blackening the helpless victims of it, and to disguisetheir own cruelty under the semblance of justice.Let the natural depravity of our character be proved—­notby appealing to declamatory invectives, and interestedrepresentations, but by showing that a greater proportionof crimes have been committed by the wronged slaves

of the plantation, than by the luxurous inhabitantsof Europe, who are happily strangers to those aggravatedprovocations, by which our passions are every dayirritated and incensed. Show us, that, of themultitude of negroes, who have within a few yearstransported themselves to this country,[8] and whoare abandoned to themselves; who are corrupted by example,prompted by penury, and instigated by the memory oftheir wrongs to the commission of crime—­shewus, I say (and the demonstration, if it be possible,cannot be difficult) that a greater proportion ofthese, than of white men have fallen under the animadversionsof justice, and have been sacrificed to your laws.Though avarice may slander and insult our misery, andthough poets heighten the horror of their fables,by representing us as monsters of vice—­thefact is, that, if treated like other men, and admittedto a participation of their rights, we should differfrom them in nothing, perhaps, but in our possessingstronger passions, nicer sensibility, and more enthusiasticvirtue.

Before so harsh a decision was pronounced upon ournature, we might have expected—­if sad experiencehad not taught us, to expect nothing but injusticefrom our adversaries—­that some pains wouldhave been taken, to ascertain, what our nature is;and that we should have been considered, as we arefound in our native woods, and not as we now are—­alteredand perverted by an inhuman political institution.But, instead of this, we are examined, not by philosophers,but by interested traders: not as nature formedus, but as man has depraved us—­and fromsuch an inquiry, prosecuted under such circumstances,the perverseness of our dispositions is said to beestablished. Cruel that you are! you make us slaves;you implant in our minds all the vices, which arein some degree, inseparable from that condition; andyou then impiously impute to nature, and to God, theorigin of those vices, to which you alone have givenbirth; and punish in us the crimes, of which you areyourselves the authors.

The condition of the slave is in nothing more deplorable,than in its being so unfavorable to the practice ofevery virtue. The surest foundation of virtueis love of our fellow creatures; and that affectiontakes its birth, in the social relations of men toone another. But to a slave these are all denied.He never pays or receives the grateful duties of ason—­he never knows or experiences the fondsolicitude of a father—­the tender namesof husband, of brother, and of friend, are to him unknown.He has no country to defend and bleed for—­hecan relieve no sufferings—­for he looksaround in vain, to find a being more wretched thanhimself. He can indulge no generous sentiment—­forhe sees himself every hour treated with contempt andridiculed, and distinguished from irrational brutes,by nothing but the severity of punishment. Wouldit be surprising, if a slave, labouring under allthese disadvantages—­oppressed, insulted,

scorned, trampled on—­should come at lastto despise himself—­to believe the calumniesof his oppressors—­and to persuade himself,that it would be against his nature, to cherish anyhonourable sentiment or to attempt any virtuous action?Before you boast of your superiority over us, placesome of your own colour (if you have the heart todo it) in the same situation with us; and see, whetherthey have such innate virtue, and such unconquerablevigour of mind, as to be capable of surmounting suchmultiplied difficulties, and of keeping their mindsfree from the infection of every vice, even under theoppressive yoke of such a servitude.

But, not satisfied with denying us that indulgence,to which the misery of our condition gives us so justa claim, our enemies have laid down other and stricterrules of morality, to judge our actions by, than thoseby which the conduct of all other men is tried.Habits, which in all human beings, except ourselves,are thought innocent, are, in us, deemed criminaland actions, which are even laudable in white men,become enormous crimes in negroes. In proportionto our weakness, the strictness of censure is increasedupon us; and as resources are withheld from us, ourduties are multiplied. The terror of punishmentis perpetually before our eyes; but we know not, howto avert it, what rules to act by, or what guides tofollow. We have written laws, indeed, composedin a language we do not understand and never promulgated:but what avail written laws, when the supreme law,with us, is the capricious will of our overseers?To obey the dictates of our own hearts, and to yieldto the strong propensities of nature, is often toincur severe punishment; and by emulating exampleswhich we find applauded and revered among Europeans,we risk inflaming the wildest wrath of our inhumantyrants.

To judge of the truth of these assertions, consulteven those milder and subordinate rules for our conduct,the various codes of your West India laws—­thoselaws which allow us to be men, whenever they considerus as victims of their vengeance, but treat us onlylike a species of living property, as often as weare to be the objects of their protection—­thoselaws by which (it may be truly said) that we are boundto suffer, and be miserable under pain of death.To resent an injury, received from a white man, thoughof the lowest rank, and to dare to strike him, thoughupon the strongest and grossest provocation, is anenormous crime. To attempt to escape from thecruelties exercised upon us, by flight, is punishedwith mutilation, and sometimes with death. Totake arms against masters, whose cruelties no submissioncan mitigate, no patience exhaust, and from whom noother means of deliverance are left, is the most atrociousof all crimes; and is punished by a gradual death,lengthened out by torments, so exquisite, that none,but those who have been long familiarized, with WestIndian barbarity, can hear the bare recital of them

without horror. And yet I learn from writers,whom the Europeans hold in the highest esteem, thattreason is a crime, which cannot be committed by aslave against his master; that a slave stands in nocivil relation towards his master, and owes him noallegiance; that master and slave are in a state ofwar; and if the slave take up arms for his deliverance,he acts not only justifiably, but in obedience toa natural duty, the duty of self-preservation.I read in authors whom I find venerated by our oppressors,that to deliver one’s self and one’s countrymenfrom tyranny, is an act of the sublimest heroism.I hear Europeans exalted, as the martyrs of publicliberty, the saviours of their country, and the deliverersof mankind—­I see other memories honouredwith statues, and their names immortalized in poetry—­andyet when a generous negro is animated by the samepassion which ennobled them,—­when he feelsthe wrongs of his countrymen as deeply, and attemptsto avenge them as boldly—­I see him treatedby those same Europeans as the most execrable of mankind,and led out, amidst curses and insults to undergo apainful, gradual and ignominious death: And thusthe same Briton, who applauds his own ancestors forattempting to throw off the easy yoke, imposed onthem by the Romans, punishes us, as detested parricides,for seeking to get free from the cruelest of all tyrannies,and yielding to the irresistible eloquence of an AfricanGalgacus or Boadicea.

Are then the reason and morality, for which Europeansso highly value themselves, of a nature so variableand fluctuating, as to change with the complexionof those, to whom they are applied?—­Do rightsof nature cease to be such, when a negro is to enjoythem?—­Or does patriotism in the heart ofan African, rankle into treason?

A Free Negro
—­American Museum, V, 77 et seq.,1789.

REMARKABLE SPEECH OF ADAHOONZOU, KING OF DAHOMEY, AN INTERIOR NATION OFAFRICA, ON HEARING WHAT WAS PASSING IN ENGLAND RESPECTING THE SLAVE TRADE

I admire the reasoning of the white men; but withall their sense, it does not appear that they havethoroughly studied the nature of the blacks, whosedisposition differs as much from that of the whites,as their colour. The same great Being formedboth; and since it hath seemed convenient for himto distinguish mankind by opposite complexions, itis a fair conclusion to presume that there may beas a great a disagreement in the qualitie of theirminds; there is likewise a remarkable difference betweenthe countries which we inhabit. You, Englishmen,for instance, as I have been informed, are surroundedby the ocean, and by this situation seem intendedto hold communication with the whole world, which youdo, by means of your ships; whilst we Dahomans, beingplaced on a large continent, and hemmed in amidsta variety of other people, of the same complexion,but speaking different languages, are obliged by thesharpness of our swords, to defend ourselves fromtheir incursions, and punish the depredations theymake on us. Such conduct in them is productiveof incessant wars. Your countrymen, therefore,who alledge that we go to war for the purpose of supplyingyour ships with slaves, are grossly mistaken.

You think you can work a reformation as you call it,in the manners of the blacks; but you ought to considerthe disproportion between the magnitude of the twocountries; and then you will soon be convinced ofthe difficulties that must be surmounted, to changethe system of such a vast country as this. Weknow you are a brave people, and that you might bringover a great many of the blacks to your opinions, bypoints of your bayonets; but to effect this, a greatmany must be put to death and numerous cruelties mustbe committed, which we do not find to have been thepractice of the whites; besides, that this would militateagainst the very principle which is professed by thosewho wish to bring about a reformation.

In the name of my ancestors and myself, I aver, thatno Dahoman ever embarked in war merely for the sakeof procuring wherewithal to purchase your commodities.I, who have not been long master of this country, havewithout thinking of the market, killed many thousands,and I shall kill many thousands more. When policyor justice requires that men be put to death, neithersilk, nor coral, nor brandy, nor cowries, can be acceptedas substitutes for the blood that ought to be spiltfor example sake: besides if white men chuseto remain at home, and no longer visit this countryfor the same purpose that has usually brought themthither, will black men cease to make war? Ianswer, by no means, and if there be no ships to receivetheir captives, what will become of them? I answer,for you, they will be put to death. Perhaps youmay be asked, how will the blacks be punished withguns and powder? I reply by another question,had we not clubs, and bows, and arrows before we knewwhite men? Did not you see me make custom—­annualceremony—­for Weebaigah, the third king ofDahomey? And did you not observe on the day suchceremony was performing, that I carried a bow in myhand, and a quiver filled with arrows on my back?These were the emblems of the times; when, with suchweapons, that brave ancestor fought and conqueredall his neighbors. God made war for all the world;and every kingdom, large or small, has practiced it,more or less, though perhaps in a manner unlike, andupon different principles. Did Weebaigah sellslaves? No; his prisoners were all killed to aman. What else could he have done with them?Was he to let them remain in this country to cut thethroats of his subjects? This would have beenwretched policy indeed; which, had it been adopted,the Dahoman name would have long ago been extinguished,instead of becoming as it is at this day, the terrorof surrounding nations. What hurts me most is,that some of your people have maliciously misrepresentedus in books, which never die; alledging that we sellour wives and children for the sake of procuring afew kegs of brandy. No! We are shamefullybelied, and I hope you will contradict, from my mouth,the scandalous stories that have been propagated;

and tell posterity that we have been abused. Wedo, indeed, sell to the white men a part of our prisoners,and we have a right to do so. Are not all prisonersat the disposal of their captors? and are we to blame,if we send delinquents to a far country? I havebeen told you do the same. If you want no moreslaves from us, why cannot you be ingenious and tellthe plain truth; saying that the slaves you have alreadypurchased are sufficient for the country for whichyou bought them; or that the artists who used to makefine things, are all dead, without having taught anybodyto make more? But for a parcel of men, with longheads, to sit down in England, and frame laws for us,and pretend to dictate how we are to live, of whomthey know nothing, never having been in a black man’scountry during the whole course of their lives, isto me somewhat extraordinary! No doubt they musthave been biased by the report of some one, who hadhad to do with us; who, for want of a due knowledgeof the treatment of slaves, found that they died onhis hands, and that his money was lost; and seeingthat others thrived by the traffic, he envious oftheir good luck, has vilified both black and whitetraders.

You have seen me kill many men at the customs; andyou have often observed delinquents at Grigwhee, andothers of my provinces tied, and sent up to me.I kill them, but do I ever insist on being paid forthem? Some heads I order to be placed at my door,others to be strewed about the market place, thatthe people may stumble upon them, when they littleexpect such a sight. This gives a grandeur tomy customs, far beyond the display of fine thingswhich I buy; this makes my enemies fear me, and givesme such a name in the Bush.[9] Besides, if I neglectthis indispensable duty, would my ancestors sufferme to live? would they not trouble me day and night,and say, that I sent no body to serve them? that Iwas only solicitous about my own name, and forgetfulof my ancestors? White men are not acquaintedwith these circumstances; but I now tell you thatyou may hear and know, and inform your countrymen,why customs are made, and will be made, as long asblack men continue to possess their country; the fewthat can be spared from this necessary celebration,we sell to the white men; and happy, no doubt, aresuch, when they find themselves on the Grigwhee, tobe disposed of to the Europeans. “We shallstill drink water,” say they to themselves;“white men will not kill us; and we may evenavoid punishment, by serving our new masters withfidelity.”

—­The New York Weekly Magazine, II,430, 1792.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] “Othello,” the author of these twoessays, was identified as a Negro by Abbe Gregoirein his “De la litterature des Negres.”

[2] The writer refers here to the Convention of 1787which framed the Constitution of the United States.

[3] Here the writer has in mind the organization ofthe English Society for the Abolition of the SlaveTrade and the support given the cause by Wilberforce,Pitt, Fox and Burke in England and by Brissot, Claviereand Montmorin in France.

[4] Rhode Island had failed to ratify the Constitutionof the United States.

[5] During the first forty years of the republic therewas much talk about colonizing the Negroes in theWest.

[6] The writer refers here to the acts of Pennsylvania,providing for the abolition of slavery.

[7] In 1740 South Carolina enacted a law prohibitingany one from teaching a slave to read or employingone in “any manner of writing.” Georgiaenacted the same law in 1770.

[8] This letter was originally published in England,where the number of Negroes had considerably increasedafter the war in America.

[9] The country expression for the woods was “Bush.”

LETTERS SHOWING THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE EARLY NEGRO CHURCHES OFGEORGIA AND THE WEST INDIES[1]

AN ACCOUNT OF SEVERAL BAPTIST CHURCHES, CONSISTINGCHIEFLY OF NEGRO SLAVES: PARTICULARLY OF ONEAT KINGSTON, IN JAMAICA; AND ANOTHER AT SAVANNAH INGEORGIA

A letter from the late Rev. Mr. Joseph Cook of theEuhaw, upper Indian Land, South Carolina, bearingdate Sept. 15, 1790, “A poor negro, commonlycalled, among his own friends, Brother George, hasbeen so highly favoured of God, as to plant the firstBaptist Church in Savannah, and another in Jamaica:”This account produced an earnest desire to know thecircumstances of both these societies. Henceletters were written to the Rev. Mr. Cook at the Euhaw;to Mr. Jonathan Clarke, at Savannah; to Mr. Wesley’speople at Kingston; with a view to obtain information,in which particular regard was had to the characterof this poor but successful minister of Christ.Satisfactory accounts have been received from eachof these quarters, and a letter from brother Georgehimself, containing an answer to more than fifty questionsproposed in a letter to him: We presume to givean epitome of the whole to our friends, hoping thatthey will have the goodness to let a plain unletteredpeople convey their ideas in their own simple way.

Brother George’s words are distinguished byinverted commas, and what is not so marked, is eithermatter compressed or information received from suchpersons to whom application has been made of it.

George Liele, called also George Sharp becausehis owner’s name was Sharp, in a letter datedKingston, Dec. 18, 1791, says, “I was born inVirginia, my father’s name was Liele, and mymother’s name Nancy; I can not ascertain muchof them, as I went to several parts of America whenyoung, and at length resided in New Georgia; but wasinformed both by white and black people, that my fatherwas the only black person who knew the Lord in a spiritualway in that country: I always had a natural fearof God from my youth, and was often checked in consciencewith thoughts of death, which barred me from many sinsand bad company. I knew no other way at thattime to hope for salvation but only in the performance

of my good works.” About two years beforethe late war, “the Rev. Mr. Matthew Moore,[2]one Sabbath afternoon, as I stood with curiosity tohear him, he unfolded all my dark views, opened mybest behaviour and good works to me which I thoughtI was to be saved by, and I was convinced that I wasnot in the way to heaven, but in the way to hell.This state I laboured under for the space of five orsix months. The more I heard or read, the moreI” saw that I “was condemned as a sinnerbefore God; till at length I was brought to perceivethat my life hung by a slender thread, and if it wasthe will of God to cut me off at that time, I wassure I should be found in hell, as sure as God wasin Heaven. I saw my condemnation in my own heart,and I found no way wherein I could escape the damnationof hell, only through the merits of my dying Lordand Saviour Jesus Christ; which caused me to makeintercession with Christ, for the salvation of my poorimmortal soul; and I full well recollect, I requestedof my Lord and Master to give me a work, I did notcare how mean it was, only to try and see how goodI would do it.” When he became acquaintedwith the method of salvation by our Lord Jesus Christ,he soon found relief, particularly at a time whenhe was earnestly engaged in prayer; yea, he says, “Ifelt such love and joy as my tongue was not able toexpress. After this I declared before the congregationof believers the work which God had done for my soul,and the same minister, the Rev. Matthew Moore, baptizedme, and I continued in this church about four years,till the vacuation” of Savannah by the British.When Mr. Liele was called by grace himself, he wasdesirous of promoting the felicity of others.One who was an eyewitness of it, says, That hebegan to discover his love to other negroes, on thesame plantation with himself, by reading hymns amongthem, encouraging them to sing, and sometimes by explainingthe most striking parts of them. His ownaccount is this, “Desiring to prove the senseI had of my obligations to God, I endeavoured to instruct”the people of “my own color in the word of God:the white brethren seeing my endeavours, and thatthe word of the Lord seemed to be blessed, gave mea call at a quarterly meeting to preach before thecongregation.” Afterwards Mr. Moore tookthe sense of the church concerning brother Liele’sabilities, when it appeared to be their unanimous opinion,“that he was possessed of ministerial gifts,”and according to the custom which obtains in someof the American churches, he was licensed as a probationer.He now exercised at different plantations, especiallyon those Lord’s Day evenings when there wasno service performed in the church to which he belonged;and preached “about three years at Brunton land,and at Yamacraw,” which last place is about halfa mile from Savannah. Mr. Henry Sharp, his master,being a deacon of the church which called George Lieleto the work of the ministry, some years before hisdeath gave him his freedom, only he continued in thefamily till his master’s exit. Mr. Sharpin the time of the war was an officer, and was atlast killed in the king’s service, by a ballwhich shot off his hand. The author of this accounthandled the bloody glove, which he wore when he receivedthe fatal wound. Some persons were at this timedissatisfied with George’s liberation, and threwhim into prison, but by producing the proper papershe was released; his particular friend in this businesswas colonel Kirkland. “At the vacuationof the country I was partly obliged to come to Jamaica,as an indented servant, for money I owed him, he promisingto be my friend in this country. I was landedat Kingston, and by the colonel’s recommendationto general Campbell, the governor of the Island, Iwas employed by him two years, and on leaving theisland, he gave me a written certificate from underhis own hand of my good behaviour. As soon asI had settled Col. Kirkland’s demands onme, I had a certificate of my freedom from the vestryand governor, according to the act of this Island,both for myself and family. Governor Campbellleft the Island. I began, about September 1784,to preach in Kingston, in a small private house, toa good smart congregation, and I formed the churchwith four brethren from America besides myself, andthe preaching took very good effect with the poorersort, especially the slaves. The people at firstpersecuted us both at meetings and baptisms, but,God be praised, they seldom interrupt us now.We have applied to the Honourable House of Assembly,with a petition of our distresses, being poor people,desiring to worship Almighty God according to thetenets of the Bible, and they have granted us liberty,and given us their sanction. Thanks be to Godwe have liberty to worship him as we please in theKingdom. You ask about those who,” in ajudgment of charity, “have been converted toChrist. I think they are about four hundred andfifty. I have baptized four hundred in Jamaica.At Kingston I baptize in the sea, at Spanish Town inthe river, and at convenient places in the country.We have nigh three hundred and fifty members;a few white people among them, one white brother ofthe first battalion of royals, from England, baptizedby Rev. Thomas Davis. Several members have beendismissed to other churches, and twelve have died.I have sent enclosed” an account of “theconversion and death of some. A few of Mr. Wesley’speople, after immersion, join us and continue withus. We have, together with well wishers and followers,in different parts of the country, about fifteen hundredpeople. We receive none into the church withouta few lines from their owners of their good behaviourtowards them and religion. The Creoles of thecountry, after they are converted and baptized, asGod enables them, prove very faithful. I havedeacons and elders, a few; and teachers of small congregationsin the town and country, where convenience suits themto come together; and I am pastor. I preach twiceon the Lord’s Day, in the forenoon and afternoon,and twice in the week, and have not been absent sixSabbath Days since I formed the church in this country.I receive nothing for my services; I preach, baptize,administer the Lord’s Supper, and travel fromone place to another to publish the gospel, and tosettle church affairs, all freely. I have oneof the chosen men, whom I baptized, a deacon of thechurch, and a native of this country, who keeps theregulations of church matters; and I promoted a freeschool for the instruction of the children, bothfree and slaves, and he is the schoolmaster.

“I cannot justly tell what is my age, as I haveno account of the time of my birth, but I supposeI am about forty years old. I have a wife andfour children. My wife was baptized by me in Savannah,at Brunton land, and I have every satisfaction inlife from her. She is much the same age as myself.My eldest son is nineteen years, my next son seventeen,the third fourteen, and the last child, a girl ofeleven years; they are all members of the church.My occupation is a farmer, but as the seasons in thispart of the country, are uncertain, I also keep a teamof horses, and waggons for the carrying goods fromone place to another, which I attend to myself, withthe assistance of my sons; and by this way of lifehave gained the good will of the public, who recommendme to business, and to some very principal work forgovernment.

“I have a few books, some good old authors andsermons, and one large bible that was given to meby a gentleman; a good many of our members can read,and are all desirous to learn; they will be very thankfulfor a few books to read on Sundays and other days.

“The last accounts I had from Savannah were,that the Gospel had taken very great effect both thereand in South Carolina. Brother Andrew Bryan,a black minister at Savannah, has TWO HUNDRED MEMBERS,in full fellowship and had certificates from theirowners of ONE HUNDRED MORE, who had given in theirexperiences and were ready to be baptized. AlsoI received accounts from Nova Scotia of a black Baptistpreacher, Brother David George, who was a member ofthe church at Savannah; he had the permission of theGovernor to preach in three provinces; his membersin full communion were then sixty, white andblack, the Gospel spreading. Brother Amos isat Providence, he writes me that the Gospel has takengood effect, and is spreading greatly; he has aboutTHREE HUNDRED MEMBERS. Brother Jessy Gaulsing,another black minister, preaches near Augusta, inSouth Carolina, at a place where I used to preach;he was a member of the church at Savannah, and hassixty members; and a great work is going onthere.

“I agree to election, redemption, the fall ofAdam, regeneration, and perseverance, knowing thepromise is to all who endure, in grace, faith, andgood works, to the end, shall be saved.

“There is no Baptist church in this countrybut ours. We have purchased a piece of land,at the east end of Kingston, containing three acresfor the sum of 155 l.[3] currency, and on it havebegun a meeting-house fifty-seven feet in length bythirty-seven in breadth. We have raised the brickwall eight feet high from the foundation, and intendto have a gallery. Several gentlemen, membersof the house of assembly, and other gentlemen, havesubscribed towards the building about 40 l. Thechief part of our congregation are SLAVES, and theirowners allow them, in common, but three or four bitsper week[4] for allowance to feed themselves; andout of so small a sum we cannot expect any thing thatcan be of service from them; if we did it would soonbring a scandal upon religion; and the FREE PEOPLEin our society are but poor, but they are all willing,both free and slaves, to do what they can. Asfor my part, I am too much entangled with the affairsof the world to go on,” as I would, “withmy design, in supporting the cause: this has,I acknowledge, been a great hindrance to the Gospelin one way; but as I have endeavored to set a goodexample” of industry “before the inhabitantsof the land, it has given general satisfaction anotherway.... And, Rev. Sir, we think the Lord has putit in the power of the Baptist societies in Englandto help and assist us in completing this building,which we look upon will be the greatest undertakingever was in this country for the bringing of soulsfrom darkness into the light of the Gospel....And as the Lord has put it into your heart to enquireafter us, we place all our confidence in you, to makeour circumstances known to the several Baptist churchesin England; and we look upon you as our father, friend,and brother.

“Within the brick wall we have a shelter, inwhich we worship, until our building can be accomplished.

“Your ... letter was read to the church twoor three times, and did create a great deal of loveand warmness throughout the whole congregation, whoshouted for joy and comfort, to think that the Lordhad been so gracious as to satisfy us in this countrywith the very same religion with ... our beloved brethrenin the old country, according to the scriptures; andthat such a worthy ... of London, should write in soloving a manner to such poor worms as we are.And I beg leave to say, That the whole congregationsang out that they would, through the assistance ofGod, remember you in their prayers. They altogethergive their Christian love to you, and all the worthyprofessors of Jesus Christ in your church at London,and beg the prayers of your congregation, and theprayers of the churches in general, wherever it pleasesyou to make known our circumstances. I remainwith the utmost love ... Rev. Sir, your unworthyfellow-labourer, servant, and brother in Christ.

(Signed) George Liele

P.S. We have chosen twelve trustees, all of whomare members of our church, whose names are specifiedin the title; the title proved and recorded in theSecretary’s office of this island.

I would have answered your letter much sooner, butam encumbered with business: the whole islandunder arms; several of our members and a deacon wereobliged to be on duty; and I being trumpeter to thetroop of horse in Kingston, am frequently called upon.And also by order of government I was employed incarrying all the cannon that could be found lyingabout this part of the country. This occasionedmy long delay, which I beg you will excuse.”

—­Baptist Annual Register, 1790-3,pages 332-337.

To The Rev. Mr. John Rippon

Kingston In Jamaica, Nov. 26, 1791.

Reverend Sir,

The perusal of your letter of the 15th July last,gave me much pleasure—­to find that youhad interested yourself to serve the glorious causeMr. Liele is engaged in. He has been for a considerabletime past very zealous in the ministry; but his congregationbeing chiefly slaves, they had it not in their powerto support him, therefore he has been obliged to doit from his own industry; this has taken a considerablepart of his time and much of his attention from hislabours in the ministry; however, I am led to believethat it has been of essential service to the causeof GOD, for his industry has set a good example tohis flock, and has put it out of the power of enemiesto religion to say, that he has been eating the breadof idleness, or lived upon the poor slaves. Theidea that too much prevails here amongst the mastersof slaves is, that if their minds are considerablyenlightened by religion or otherwise, that it wouldbe attended with the most dangerous consequences;and this has been the only cause why the Methodistministers and Mr. Liele have not made a greater progressin the ministry amongst the slaves. Alas! howmuch is it to be lamented, that a full QUARTER OFA MILLION of poor souls should so long remain in astate of nature; and that masters should be so blindto their own interest as not to know the differencebetween obedience inforced by the lash of the whipand that which flows from religious principles.Although I much admire the general doctrinepreached in the Methodist church, yet I by no meansapprove of their discipline set up by Mr. Wesley, thatreverend man of God. I very early saw into theimpropriety of admitting slaves into their societieswithout permission of their owners, and toldthem the consequences that would attend it; but theyrejected my advice; and it has not only preventedthe increase of their church, but has raised themmany enemies. Mr. Liele has very wisely acteda different part. He has, I believe, admittedno slaves into society but those who had obtainedpermission from their owners, by which he has mademany friends; and I think the Almighty is now openinga way for another church in the capital, where theMethodists could not gain any ground: a shorttime will determine it, of which I shall advise you.—­I

really have not time to enter so fully on this subjectas I wish, being very much engaged in my own temporalaffairs, and at present having no clerk.—­Thelove I bear to the cause of God, and the desire I haveof being any ways instrumental to the establishingof it in this land of darkness, has led me to writethis: but before I conclude, I have some veryinteresting particulars to lay before you:—­Mr.Liele has by the aid of the congregation and the assistanceof some few people, raised the walls of a church readyto receive the roof, but has not the means to layit on and finish it; nor do I see any prospect of itsgoing further, without he receives the aid of somereligious institution from home. One hundredand fifty pounds, I think, would complete it; and ifthis sum could be raised, it would greatly serve thecause of GOD, and might be the means of bringing manyhundred souls, who are now in a state of darkness,to the knowledge of our great Redeemer. If thiscould be raised the sooner the better. Our familycontributed towards the purchase of the Methodistchapel; nor shall our mite be wanting to forward thiswork if it meets with any encouragement from home.—­Iam a stranger to you, but you may know my characterfrom Daniel Shea, Esq.; and John Parker, Esq.; merchantsin your city; or from Mr. Samuel Yockney, tea-dealer,in Bedford Row.

Perhaps you may expect me to say something of Mr.Liele’s character. He is a very industriousman—­decent and humble in his manners, and,I think, a good man. This is my opinion of him.I love all Christians of every denomination, and remain,with respect and sincere regard,

Reverend Sir,

Your friend and servant,

(Signed) Stephen Cooke.

—­Baptist Annual Register, 1790-1793,pages 338 and 339.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Most of these letters were written by two coloredpreachers, George Liele and Andrew Bryan.

[2] Mr. Moore was an ordained Baptist minister, ofthe county of Burke, in Georgia; he died, it seems,some time since. EDITOR.

[3] 140 l. currency is 100 l. sterling.

[4] A bit was seven pence half-penny currency, orabout five pence halfpenny sterling.

SKETCHES OF THE BLACK BAPTIST CHURCH AT SAVANNAH, IN GEORGIA; AND OF THEIRMINISTER ANDREW BRYAN, EXTRACTED FROM SEVERAL LETTERS

Savannah, July 19, 1790, &c.

Dear Brother,

“With pleasure I receive your favor of the 20thult. more particularly, as I trust the correspondencemay be of use to Brother Andrew’s church; concerningthe origin of which, I have taken from him the followingaccount.

“Our Brother Andrew was one of the blackhearers of George Liele," of whom an accountwas given before; and was hopefully converted by hispreaching from chapter III. of St. John’s Gospel,and a clause of verse 7, Ye must be born again;prior to the departure of George Liele forJamaica, he came up from Tybee River, where departingvessels frequently lay ready for sea, and baptizedour Brother Andrew, with a wench of the nameHagar, both belonging to Jonathan Bryan,Esq.; these were the last performances of our BrotherGeorge Liele in this quarter. About eightor nine months after his departure, Andrew beganto exhort his black hearers, with a few whites.Edward Davis, Esq.; indulged him and his hearers toerect a rough building on his land at Yamacraw,in the suburbs of Savannah for a place of worship,of which they have been very artfully dispossessed.In this their beginning of worship they had frequentinterruptions from the whites; as it was at a timethat a number of blacks had absconded, and some hadbeen taken away by the British. This was a plausibleexcuse for their wickedness in their interruptions.The whites grew more and more inveterate; taking numbersof them before magistrates—­they were imprisonedand whipped. Sampson, a brother of Andrew,belonging to the same master, was converted abouta year after him, and continued with him in all theirpersecutions, and does until now. These, withmany others, were twice imprisoned, and about fiftywere severely whipped, particularly Andrew, whowas cut and bled abundantly, while he was undertheir lashes; Brother Hambleton says, he heldup his hand, and told his persecutors that he rejoicednot only to be whipped, but would freely sufferdeath for the cause of Jesus Christ. “Thechief justice Henry Osborne, Esq.; JamesHabersham, Esq.;[1] and David Montague,Esq.; were their examinants, and released them.Their kind master also interceded for them;and was much affected and grieved at their punishment.”Brother Hambleton was also an advocate forthem; and further says, that at one of their examinationsGeorge Walton, Esq.; spoke freely in favourof the sufferers, saying, that such treatment wouldbe condemned even among barbarians. “Thechief justice Osborne then gave them libertyto continue their worship between sunrising and sunset; and their indulgent master told the magistrate,that he would give them the liberty of his own houseor his barn, at a place called Brampton, aboutthree miles from town, and that they should not beinterrupted in their worship. In consequencehereof, they made use of their masters barn,where they had a number of hearers, with little orno interruption, for about two years. During thetime of worship at Brampton Brother Thomas Burton,an elderly baptist preacher, paid them a visit, examinedand baptized about eighteen blacks: atanother period while there they received a visit fromour brother Abraham Marshall[2] who examinedand baptized about forty and gave them two certificatesfrom under his hand;” copies of which follow:

This is to certify, that upon examination intothe experiences and characters of a number of Ethiopians,and adjacent to Savannah, it appears that God hasbrought them out of darkness into the light of theGospel, and given them fellowship one with the other;believing it is the will of Christ, we have constitutedthem a church of Jesus Christ, to keep up his worshipand ordinances.

(Signed) A. Marshall, V.D.M.

Jan. 19, 1788.

This is to certify, that the Ethiopian church of JesusChrist at Savannah, have called their beloved Andrewto the work of the ministry. We have examinedinto his qualifications, and believing it to be thewill of the great Head of the church, we have appointedhim to preach the Gospel, and to administer the ordinances,as God in his providence may call.

(Signed) A. Marshall, V.D.M.

Jan. 20, 1788.

“After the death of their master his son, Dr.William Bryan, generously continued them theuse of the barn for worship, until the estatewas divided among the family. Our Brother Andrew,by consent of parties, purchased his freedom, boughta lot at Yamacraw, and built a residence near thedwelling house which their master had given Sampsonliberty to build on his lot; and which have ever beenmade use of for worship. But by the divisionof their master’s estate, the lot whereon Sampsonhad built a house to live in, and which until thistime continues to be used for worship, by Andrew,fell into the hands of an attorney, who married adaughter of the deceased Mr. Bryan, and receives noless than 12 l. a year for it. Sampson servesas a clerk, but frequently exhorts in the absenceof his brother who has his appointments in differentplaces to worship.

“Brother Andrew’s account of hisnumber in full communion is TWO HUNDRED AND TWENTY-FIVE,and about THREE HUNDRED AND FIFTY have been receivedas converted followers, many of whom have not permission”from their owners “to be baptized.—­Thewhole number is judged to be about five hundred andseventy-five, from the towns being taken to this presentJuly. I have consulted brother Hambleton,who thinks they have need of a few Bibles, the BaptistConfession of Faith, and Catechism; Wilson on Baptism,some of Bunyan’s works, or any other that yourwisdom may think useful to an illerate [sic] people.They all join in prayers for you and yours and begyour intercession at the throne of grace for them,as well as for the small number of whites that dwellhere; and among them I hope you will not forget yourpoor unworthy brother, and believe me, with sincereaffections and brotherly love, your in the bonds ofthe Gospel,

(Signed) Jonathan Clarke[3]

Concerning the church at Savannah, the late Rev. Mr.Joseph Cook, of the Euhaw, upper Indian land, thuswrites: “From the enclosed you will seehow it became a church, and what they have suffered,which is extremely affecting, but they now begin torise from obscurity and to appear great. I havesome acquaintance with their pastor, and have heardhim preach; his gifts are small, but he isclear in the grand doctrines of the Gospel.—­Ibelieve him to be truly pious and he has beenthe instrument of doing more good among the poor slavesthan all the learned doctors in America.”

The friends of our adorable Redeemer will, no doubt,rejoice to find that this large body of Christiansnegroes, under the patronage of some of the most respectablepersons in their city, “have opened a subscriptionfor the erecting of a place of worship in the cityof Savannah, for the society of black people of theBaptist denomination—­ the property to bevested in the hands of seven or more persons in trustfor the church and congregation.”

Their case[4] is sent to England, recommended by
J. JOHNSON,[5] Ministerof the Union Church.
JOHN HAMILTON.
EBENEZER HILLS.
JOSEPH WATTS.
D. MOSES VALLOTTON.
JOHN MILLENE.
ABRAHAM LEGGETT.

Since the preceding account has been in the press,other letters have been received, of which the followingis an extract.

Kingston, Jamaica, May 18, 1792.

Rev. and Dear Sir,

In answer to yours I wrote December 18 last, and asI have not received a line from you since, I sendthis, not knowing but the other was miscarried.Mr. Green has called upon me, and very kindly offeredhis service to deliver a letter from me into yourhands; he also advised me to send you a copy of ourchurch covenant, which I have done: being a collectionof some of the principal texts of scripture which weobserve, both in America and this country, for thedirection of our practice. It is read once amonth here on sacrament meetings, that our membersmay examine if they live according to all those lawswhich they profess, covenanted and agreed to; by thismeans our church is kept in scriptural subjection.As I observe in my last the chiefest part of our societyare poor illiterate slaves, some living on sugar estates,some on mountains, pens, and other settlements, thathave no learning, no not to know so much as a letterin the book; but the reading this covenant once amonth, when all are met together from the differentparts of the island, keeps them in mind of the commandmentsof God. And by shewing the same to the gentlemenof the legislature, and the justices, and magistrates,when I applied for a sanction, it gave them generalsatisfaction; and wherever a negro servant is to beadmitted, their owners, after the perusal of it, arebetter satisfied. We are this day raising theroof on the walls of our meeting house; the heightof the walls from the foundation is seventeen feet.I have a right to praise God, and glorify him forthe manifold blessings I have received, and do stillreceive from him. I have full liberty from SpanishTown, the capital of this country, to preach theGospel throughout the Island: the Lord is blessingthe work everywhere, and believers are added dailyto the church. My tongue is not able to expressthe goodness of the Lord. As our meeting houseis out of town “(about a mile and a half),”I have a steeple on it, to have a bell to give noticeto our people and more particularly to the owners

of Slaves that are in our society, that they may knowthe hour on which we meet, and be satisfied that ourservants return in due time; for which reason I shallbe greatly obliged to you to send me out, as soonas possible, a bell that can be heard about two milesdistance, with the price. I have one at present,but it is rather small. The slaves may then bepermitted to come and return in due time, for at presentwe meet very irregular in respect to hours. Iremain, with the utmost regards, love and esteem,

Rev. Sir, yours, &c.

George Liele.

Copy of a Recommendatory Letter of Hannah Williams,a Negro Woman, in London. It is all in print,except the part of it which now appears in Italics.

Kingston, Jamaica, we that are of the Baptist Religion,being separated from all churches, excepting theyare of the same faith and order after Jesus Christ,according to the scriptures, do certify, that our belovedSister Hannah Williams, during the time she wasa member of the Church at Savannah, until the evacuation,did walk as a faithful, well-behaved Christian,and to recommend her to join any church of the samefaith and order. Given under my hand this 21stday of December, in the year of our Lord, 1791.

George Liele.

—­Baptist Annual Register, 1790-1793,pages 339-344.

ACCOUNT OF THE NEGRO CHURCH AT SAVANNAH, AND OF TWO NEGRO MINISTERS

Savannah, Dec. 22, 1792.

Dear Brother Rippon,

By return of Capt. Parrot in the ship Hannah,opportunity offers to acknowledge receipt of yourkind favour with two boxes of books agreeable to invoice,which were very thankfully acceptable to our BrotherAndrew, as well as to myself, and were delivered agreeableto your request. Within a month past a few ofour Christian friends providentially collected atmy house, when it was thought necessary we shouldcommence a subscription for the building of a BaptistMeeting-house in this city, as the corporation hasgiven us a lot for that purpose. Mr. EbenezerHills and myself were appointed trustees, and we havesubscribed L35. 6s. if we can get as much more, weintend to begin the work, please God to smile on ourweak endeavours, and the place will be made sufficientlylarge to accommodate the black people: they havebeen frowned upon of late by some despisers of religion,who have endeavoured to suppress their meeting togetheron Thursday evening in the week which was their custom,but is now set aside; so that they only continue worshipfrom the sun rise to sun set on Sabbath days.

I copied brother Andrew’s last return of membersfor brother Silas Mercer, who was here since the associationof Coosawhatchic, which is as follows: Returnmade to the Georgia Association,

Supposed to be two or three years past.................. 250Baptized since (say 80 in this year 1792)............... 159 409—–­Excommunicated.......................................... 8Dead.................................................... 12 20—–­ —–­Total remaining Nov. 26, 1792......................... 389

Brother Andrew lately brought me a letter from brotherGeorge Liele, of Jamaica, expressive of the greatincrease of his church in that island. Andrewis free only since the death of his old master, andpurchased his freedom of one of their heirs at therate of 50 l. He was born at Goose Creek, about16 miles from Charleston, South Carolina; his motherwas a slave, and died in the service of his old master:his father, a slave, yet living, but rendered infirmby age for ten years past. Andrew was marriednine years since, which was about the time he and hiswife were brought to the knowledge of their wretchedstate by nature: His wife is named Hannah andremains a slave to the heirs of his older master; theyhave no children; He was ordained by our Brother Marshall:he has no assistant preacher but his Brother Sampson,who continues a faithful slave, and occasionally exhorts.Some white ministers from the country preach in hischurch. Jesse Peter, another Negro (whose presentmaster is Thomas Galphin), is now here, and has threeor four places in the country where he attends preachingalternately; a number of white people admire him.While he is here, I propose to be informed more particularlyof his situation, etc. Although a slave hismaster indulges him in his profession and gives himuncommon liberty. To return to Andrew, he hasfour deacons appointed, but not regularly introduced.He supports himself by his own labour. Thereare no white people that particularly belong to hischurch, but we have reason to hope that he has beeninstrumental in the conviction and converting of somewhites. Amos, the other Negro minister, mentionedby Brother George, resides at one of the Bahama Islands,which is called New Providence, and is about four dayssail towards the southeast. There is one whitechurch at Ogeechee, and another at Effingham; eachof these are about twenty miles from this, which arethe nearest and only ones. Perhaps fifty of Andrew’schurch can read, but only three can write.

For the present, accept of the sincere love and kindrespects of the Black Society, with Andrew’sparticular thanks. My ears have heard their petitionsto the throne of grace for you particularly, whichno doubt they will continue; and let me entreat yourprayers for them, and for the connected societiesof this State.

Your brother in the Lord Jesus,

Jonathan Clarke.

—­Baptist Annual Register, 1790-1793,pages 540-541.

Kingston, Jamaica, Jan. 12, 1793.

Our Meeting-house is now covered in and the lowerfloor was completed the 24th of last month. Wesupposed we are indebted for lumber, lime, bricks,&c. between 4 and 500 l. I am not able to expressthe thanks I owe for your kind attention to me, andthe cause of God. The Schoolmaster, togetherwith the members of our church, return their sincerethanks for the books you have been pleased to sendthem, being so well adapted to the society, they havegiven great satisfaction.

I hope shortly to send you a full account of the numberof people in our societies in different parts of thisisland. I have baptized near 500.

I have purchased a piece of land in Spanish Town,the capital of this Island, for a burying ground,with a house upon it, which serves for a Meeting-house.James Jones, Esq., one of the magistrates of this town,and Secretary of the Island, told me, that the Hon.William Mitchell, Esq., the Gustos, had empoweredhim to grant me license to preach the Gospel, andthey have given me liberty to make mention of theirnames in any congregation where we are interrupted.Mr. Jones has given permission for all his negroesto be taught the word of God. The gospel is takinggreat effect in this town. My brethren and sistersin general, most affectionately give their Christianlove to you, and all the dear lovers of Jesus Christin your church at London, and beg that they, and allthe other churches, will remember the poor EthiopianBaptists of Jamaica in their prayers, I remain, dearSir and brother, your unworthy fellow labourer inChrist.

George Liele.

—­Baptist Annual Register, 1790-1793,page 542.

Kingston, Jamaica, April 12, 1793.

Rev. and Dear Sir,

I am one of the poor, unworthy, helpless creaturesborn in this island, whom our glorious master JesusChrist was graciously pleased to call from a stateof darkness to the marvelous light of the gospel andsince our Lord has bestowed his mercy on my soul,our beloved minister, by consent of the church, appointedme deacon, schoolmaster, and his principal helper.

We have great reason in this island to praise andglorify the Lord for his goodness and loving kindness,in sending his blessed Gospel amongst us by our well-belovedminister, Brother Liele. We were living in slaveryto sin and satan, and the Lord hath redeemed our soulsto a state of happiness to praise his glorious andever blessed name; and we hope to enjoy everlastingpeace by the promise of our Lord and master JesusChrist. The blessed Gospel is spreading wonderfullyin this island; believers are daily coming into thechurch and we hope, in a little time, to see Jamaicabecome a Christian country.

I remain respectfully, Rev. and Dear Sir,

Your poor Brother in Christ,

Thomas Nichols Swigle.

Mr. George Gibbs Bailey, of Bristol, now at Kingston,in Jamaica, writes thus, under date May 9, 1793.“I have inquired of all those who I thoughtcould give me an account of Mr. Liele’s conductwithout prejudice, and I can say with pleasure, whatPilate said, I can find no fault in this man.The Baptist church abundantly thrives among the Negroes,more than any denomination in Jamaica; but I am verysorry to say the Methodist church is declining greatly.”

Another sensible Gentleman, of Kingston, in Jamaica,much attached to Mr. Wesley’s interest, alsosays, “I will be very candid with you and tellyou that I think the Baptist church is the church thatwill spread the Gospel among the poor Negroes andI hope and trust, as there is reason to believe thatyour church will be preferred before all others bythe Negroes, that those of you who are in affluencewill contribute and send out a minister and supporthim,” &c.

—­Baptist Annual Register, 1790-1793,pages 542-543.

FROM THE REV. ABRAHAM MARSHALL, WHO FORMED THE NEGRO CHURCH AT SAVANNAH,TO MR. RIPPON

Kioka, Georgia, May 1, 1793.

Rev. and Dear Sir,

Yours came safe to hand, and gave singular satisfaction.Neither spreading plains, nor rolling oceans, canprevent us from weeping with those that weep, andrejoicing with those that rejoice. I have hadit in contemplation for some time to open a correspondencewith our dear friend on the other side of the flood,but my constant travelling has hitherto prevented;I am highly pleased that you have opened the way....

As to the Black Church in Savannah, of which you hada particular account by Mr. Clarke, I baptized forty-fiveof them in one day, assisted in the constitution ofthe church, and ordination of the minister. Theyhave given repeated proofs, by their sufferings, oftheir zeal for the cause of God and religion; and,I believe, are found in the faith, and strict in discipline.

I am also intimately acquainted with Jessy Golfin;he lives thirty miles below me, in South Carolina,and twelve miles below Augusta; he is a negro servantto Mr. Golfin, who, to his praise be it spoken, treatshim with respect. His countenance is grave, hisvoice charming, his delivery good, nor is he a novicein the mysteries of the kingdom.

From less than the least,

Abraham Marshall.

—­Baptist Annual Register, 1790-1793,page 545.

A LETTER FROM THE NEGRO BAPTIST CHURCH IN SAVANNAH, ADDRESSED TO THEREVEREND DOCTOR RIPPON

Savannah-Georgia, U.S.A., Dec. 23, 1800.

My Dear and Reverend Brother,

After a long silence occasioned by various hindrances,I sit down to answer your inestimable favour by thelate dear Mr. White, who I hope is rejoicing, farabove the troubles and trials of this frail sinfulstate. All the books mentioned in your trulycondescending and affectionate letter, came safe,and were distributed according to your humane directions.You can scarcely conceive, much less than I describe,the gratitude excited by so seasonably and preciousa supply of the means of knowledge and grace, accompaniedwith benevolent proposals of further assistance.Deign, dear sir, to accept our united and sincere thanksfor your great kindness to us, who have been so littleaccustomed to such attentions. Be assured thatour prayers have ascended, and I trust will continueto ascend to God, for your health and happiness, andthat you may be rendered a lasting ornament to ourholy Religion, and a successful Minister of the Gospel.

With much pleasure, I inform you, dear sir, that Ienjoy good health, and am strong in body, tho’sixty-three years old, and am blessed with a piouswife, whose freedom I have obtained, and an only daughterand child who is married to a free man, tho’she, and consequently, under our laws, her seven children,five sons and two daughters, are slaves. By akind Providence I am well provided for, as to worldlycomforts, (tho’ I have had very little givenme as a minister) having a house and lot in this city,besides the land on which several buildings stand,for which I receive a small rent, and a fifty-sixacre tract of land, with all necessary buildings,four miles in the country, and eight slaves; for whoseeducation and happiness, I am enabled thro’ mercyto provide.

But what will be infinitely more interesting to myfriend, and is so much more prized by myself, we enjoythe rights of conscience to a valuable extent, worshipingin our families and preaching three times every Lord’s-day,baptizing frequently from ten to thirty at a time inthe Savannah, and administering the sacred supper,not only without molestation, but in the presence,and with the approbation and encouragement of manyof the white people. We are now about seven hundredin number, and the work of the Lord goes on prosperously.

An event which has had a happy influence on our affairswas the coming of Mr. Holcombe, late pastor of EuhawChurch, to this place at the call of the heads ofthe city, of all denominations, who have remained forthe thirteen months he has been here among his constanthearers and his liberal supporters. His salaryis 2000 a year. He has just had a baptistery,with convenient appendages, built in his place of worship,and has commenced baptizing.

Another dispensation of Providence has much strengthenedour hands, and increased our means of information;Henry Francis, lately a slave to the widow of thelate Colonel Leroy Hammond, of Augusta, has been purchasedby a few humane gentlemen of this place, and liberatedto exercise the handsome ministerial gifts he possessesamongst us, and teach our youth to read and write.He is a strong man about forty-nine years of age,whose mother was white and whose father was an Indian.His wife and only son are slaves.

Brother Francis has been in the ministry fifteen years,and will soon receive ordination, and will probablybecome the pastor of a branch of my large church,which is getting too unwieldy for one body. Shouldthis event take place, and his charge receive constitution,it will take the rank and title of the 3rd BaptistChurch in Savannah.

With the most sincere and ardent prayers to God foryour temporal and eternal welfare, and with the mostunfeigned gratitude, I remain, reverend and dear sir,your obliged servant in the gospel.

(Signed) Andrew Bryan.

P.S. I should be glad that my African friendscould hear the above account of my affairs.

—­The Baptist Annual Register, 1798-1801,page 366.

STATE OF THE NEGROES IN JAMAICA

Kingston, Jamaica, 1st May, 1802.

Rev. and Dear Sir,

Since our blessed Lord has been pleased to permitme to have the rule of a church of believers, I havebaptized one hundred and eleven: and I have asanction from the Rev. Dr. Thomas Rees, rector of thistown and parish, who is one of the ministers appointedby his Majesty to hold an ecclesiastical jurisdictionover the clergy in this island, confirmed by a lawpassed by the Legislative Body of this island, madeand provided for that purpose.

Our church consists of people of colour and blackpeople; some of free condition, but the greater partof them are slaves and natives from the differentcountries in Africa. Our number both in town andcountry is about five hundred brethren, and our ruleis to baptize once in three months; to receive theLord’s supper the first Lord’s-day in everymonth, after evening services is over; and we havemeetings on Tuesday and Thursday evenings throughoutthe year. The whole body of our church is dividedinto several classes, which meet every Monday evening,to be examined by their Class-leaders, respectingtheir daily walk and conversation; and I am trulyhappy to acquaint you, that since the gospel has beenpreached in Kingston, there never was so great a prospectfor the spread of the fame as there is now. Numbersand numbers of young people are flocking daily tojoin both our society and the Methodists, who haveabout four hundred. Religion so spreads in Kingston,that those who will not leave the Church of Englandto join the Dissenters, have formed themselves intoevening societies: it is delightful to hear thepeople at the different places singing psalms, hymns,and spiritual songs; and to see a great number of themwho lived in the sinful state of fornication (whichis the common way of living in Jamaica), now married,having put away that deadly sin.

Our place of worship is so very much crowded, thatnumbers are obliged to stand out of doors: weare going to build a larger chapel as soon as possible.Our people being poor, and so many of them slaves,we are not able to go on so quick as we could withoutwe should meet with such friends as love our Lordand Master Jesus Christ, to enable us in going onwith so glorious an undertaking.

I preach, baptize, marry, attend funerals, and gothrough every work of the ministry without fee orreward; and I can boldly say, for these sixteen yearssince I began to teach and instruct the poor Ethiopiansin this island, the word of God (though many and manytimes travelling night and day over rivers and mountainsto inculcate the ever-blessed gospel), that I neverwas complimented with so much as a pair of shoes tomy feet, or a hat to my head, or money or apparel,or any thing else as a recompense for my labour andmy trouble, from any of my brethren or any other person:—­myintention is to follow the example set before me bythe holy apostle Saint Paul, to labour with my handsfor the things I stand in need of to support myselfand family, and to let the church of Christ be freefrom incumbrances.

We have five trustees to our chapel and burrying-ground,eight deacons, and six exhorters.

I had the pleasure of seeing Mr. V. of his Majesty’sship Cumberland, in this town, who has been at myhouse, and at our chapel, and has seen all my church-booksand the manner in which I have conducted our society.He has lately sailed for England with Admiral Montagu;and when he sees you, he will be able to tell youof our proceedings better than I can write.

All my beloved brethren beg their Christian love toyou and all your dear brethren in the best bonds;and they also beg yourself and them will be pleasedto remember the poor Ethiopian Baptists in their prayers,and be pleased also to accept the same from, Reverendand Dear Sir,

Your poor unworthy Brother, in the Lord Jesus Christ,

(Signed) T. N. S.

P.S. Brothers Baker, Gilbert, and others of theAfricans, are going on wonderfully in the Lord’sservice, in the interior part of the country.

July 1, 1802.

—­Baptist Annual Register, 1801-1802,pages 974-975.

LETTER TO DR. RIPPON

Kingston, Jamaica, Oct. 9, 1802.

Rev. and Dear Sir,

I take the liberty to give you a further account ofthe spread of the Gospel among us.

On Saturday the 28th August last we laid our foundationstone for the building of the New Chapel; fifty-fivefeet in length, and twenty-nine and half feet in breath.The brethren assembled together at my house, and walkedin procession to our place of worship, where a shortdiscourse was delivered upon the subject, taken fromMat. XVI. 18. Upon this rock I will build myChurch, and the gates of Hell shall not prevail against.As soon as divine service was over, we laid a stonein a pillar provided for that purpose, and on thestone was laid a small marble plate, and these wordsengraven thereon, St. John’s Chapel was founded28th August 1802, before a large and respectable congregation.The bricklayers have just raised the foundation abovethe surface of the earth. And as our Church consistschiefly of Slaves, and poor free people, we are notable to go on so fast as we could wish, for which reasonwe beg leave to call upon our Baptist friends in England,for their help and support of the Ethiopian Baptists,setting forward the glorious cause of our Lord andMaster Jesus Christ, now in hand.

My last return of the Members in our Society on the10th August last stood thus,

595Expelled............................... 2Dismissed.............................. 26Dead................................... 19 47—–­Members in society 10th August 1802 ... 548

Since which, we have had sixty-two more added to theChurch, almost all young people, and natives of differentcountries in Africa, which make 610 in Society.

About two months ago, I paid my first visit to a partof our Church held at Clinton Mount, Coffee Plantation,in the parish of Saint Andrew, about 16 miles distancefrom Kingston, in the High Mountains, where we havea Chapel and 254 brethren. And when I was at breakfastwith the Overseer, he said to me, I have no need ofa book-keeper (meaning an assistant), I make no useof a whip, for when I am at home my work goes on regular,and when I visit the field I have no fault to find,for every thing is conducted as it ought to be.I observed myself that the brethren were very industrious,they have a plenty of provisions in their ground,and a plenty of live stock, and they, one and alltogether, live in unity, brotherly love, and in thebonds of peace.

Last Lords Day, the 3rd October, was our quarterlybaptism, when we walked from our place of Worshipat noon, to the water, the distance of about a halfmile, where I baptised eighteen professing believers,before a numerous and large congregation of spectators,which make in all 254 baptised by me since our commencement.

I am truly happy in acquainting you, that a greaterspread of the gospel is taking place at the west endof the island.—­A fortnight ago, the Rev.Brother Moses Baker visited me, he is a man of colour,a native of America, one of our baptist brothers anda member of our church, he is employed by a Mr. Winn,(a gentleman down in the country who possesses largeand extensive properties in this island), to instructhis negroes in the principles of the Christian religion;and Mr. Vaughan has employed him for that purpose,and both these gentlemen allow him a compensation.Mr. Winn finds him in house room, lands, &c., &c.,and by his instructing those slaves at Mr. Vaughan’sproperties, several miles from Mr. Winn’s estate,a number of slaves belonging to different properties(no less than 20 sugar estates in number) are becomeconverted souls.—­Mr. Baker’s errandto me was, that he wanted a person to assist him,he being sent for by a Mr. Hilton, a gentleman downin the parish of Westmoreland (50 miles distance fromMr. Baker’s dwelling place), to instruct hisand another gentlemen’s slaves, on two largesugar estates, into the word of God, producing to meat the same time the letters and invitations he received.I gave him brother George Vineyard, one our exhorters,and old experienced professor (who has been calledby grace upwards of eighteen years) to assist him;he also is a native of America, and this gentlemanMr. Hilton, has provided a House, and maintainance,a salary, and land for him to cultivate for his benefitupon his own estate, and brother Baker declared tome, that he has in the church there, fourteen hundredjustified believers, and about three thousand followers,many under conviction for sin. The distance brotherBaker is at from me is 136 miles, he has undergonea great deal of persecution and severe trials forthe preaching of the gospel, but our Lord has delivered

him safe out of all—­Myself and brethrenwere at Mr. Liele’s Chapel a few weeks ago atthe funeral of one of his elders, he is well, andwe were friendly together. All our brethren unitewith me in giving their most Christian love to you,and all the dear beloved brethren in your church inthe best bonds, and beg, both yourself and them, willbe pleased to remember the Ethiopian Baptists in theirprayers, and I remain dear Sir, and brother,

Your poor unworthy brother, in the Lord Jesus Christ,

(Signed) Thomas Nicholas Swigle.

P.S. These sugar estates, in the parish whereBrother Baker resides, are very large and extensive;and they have three to four hundred slaves on eachproperty.

—­Baptist Annual Register, 1800-1802,pages 1144-1146.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] The Rev. Mr. George Whitefield’s intimatefriend.

[2] The Editor of the Baptist Annual Register saidthat he had not the honor of a correspondence withthis respectable minister but that his name stoodthus in the Georgia Association of 1788. At “Kioka,Abraham Marshall, 22 baptized, 230” membersin all.

[3] The character of Mr. Jonathan Clarke, accordingto the writer, might be learned at May and Hill’s,merchants, Church-row, Fenchurch-street.

[4] It was committed to the care of the Editor ofthe Baptist Annual Register.

[5] The Rev. Mr. Johnson was well known in London;he sailed for America in the fall of 1790; and labouredin the Orphan House at Savannah, built by Mr.Whitefield, and assigned in trust to the countess ofHuntingdon. On May 30, 1775, the orphan housebuilding caught fire and was entirely consumed, exceptthe two wings which still remained. Editor ofthe Baptist Annual Register.

BOOK REVIEWS

The Haitian Revolution, 1791 to 1804.By T. G. Steward. Thomas Y. Crowell Company,New York, 1915. 292 pages. $1.25.

In the days when the internal dissensions of Haitiare again thrusting her into the limelight such abook as this of Mr. Steward assumes a peculiar importance.It combines the unusual advantage of being both veryreadable and at the same time historically dependable.At the outset the author gives a brief sketch of theearly settlement of Haiti, followed by a short accountof her development along commercial and racial linesup to the Revolution of 1791. The story of thisupheaval, of course, forms the basis of the book andis indissolubly connected with the story of ToussaintL’Overture. To most Americans this herois known only as the subject of Wendell Phillips’sstirring eulogy. As delineated by Mr. Steward,he becomes a more human creature, who performs exploits,that are nothing short of marvelous. Other menwho have seemed to many of us merely names—­Rigaud,Le Clerc, Desalines, and the like—­are alsofully discussed.

Although most of the book is naturally concerned withthe revolutionary period, the author brings his accountup to date by giving a very brief resume of the historyof Haiti from 1804 to the present time. Thishistory is marked by the frequent occurrence of assassinationsand revolutions, but the reader will not allow himselfto be affected by disgust or prejudice at these factsparticularly when he is reminded, as Mr. Steward says,“that the political history of Haiti does notdiffer greatly from that of the majority of SouthAmerican Republics, nor does it differ widely evenfrom that of France.”

The book lacks a topical index, somewhat to its owndisadvantage, but it contains a map of Haiti, a ratherconfusing appendix, a list of the Presidents of Haitifrom 1804 to 1906 and a list of the names and worksof the more noted Haitian authors. The authordoes not give a complete bibliography. He simplymentions in the beginning the names of a few authoritiesconsulted.

J. R. Fauset.

The Negro in American History. By JohnW. Cromwell. The American Negro Academy, Washington,D.C., 1914. 284 pages. $1.25 net.

In John W. Cromwell’s book, “The Negroin American History,” we have what is a veryimportant work. The book is mainly biographicaland topical. Some of the topics discussed are:“The Slave Code”; “Slave Insurrections”;“The Abolition of the Slave Trade”; “TheEarly Convention Movement”; “The Failureof Reconstruction”; “The Negro as a Soldier”;and “The Negro Church.” These topicsare independent of the chapters which are more particularlychronological in treatment.

In the appendices we have several topics succinctlytreated. Among these are: “The UndergroundRailroad,” “The Freedmen’s Bureau,”and, most important and wholly new, a list of soldiersof color who have received Congressional Medals ofHonor, and the reasons for the bestowal.

The biographical sketches cover some twenty persons.Much of the information in these sketches is not new,as would be expected regarding such well-known personsas Frederick Douglass, John M. Langston, and PaulLaurence Dunbar. On the other hand, Mr. Cromwellhas given us very valuable sketches of other importantpersons of whom much less is generally known.Among these are Sojourner Truth, Edward Wilmot Blyden,and Henry O. Tanner.

The book does not pretend to be the last word concerningthe various topics and persons discussed. Indeed,some of the topics have had fuller treatment by theauthor in pamphlets and lectures. It is to beregretted that the author did not feel justified ingiving a more extensive treatment, as the great storeof his information would easily have permitted himto do.

The book is exceptionally well illustrated, but itlacks information regarding some of the illustrations.Not only are the readers of a book entitled to knowthe source of the illustrations but in the case ofcopies of paintings, and other works of art, the originalartist is as much entitled to credit as an authorwhose work is quoted or appropriated to one’suse.

Negro Culture In West Africa. By GeorgeW. Ellis, K.C., F.R.G.S. The Neale PublishingCo., New York, 1914. 290 pages. $2.00 net.

This study by Mr. Ellis of the culture of West Africaas represented by the Vai tribe, is valuable bothas a document and as a scientific treatment of animportant phase of the color problem. As a documentit is an additional and a convincing piece of evidenceof the ability of the Negro to treat scientificallyso intricate a problem as the rise, development, andmeaning of the social institutions of a people.Easy, yet forceful in style; well documented withfootnotes and cross references; amply illustratedwith twenty-seven real representations of tools, weapons,musical instruments and other pieces of handwork;containing, incidentally, a good bibliography of thesubject; and finally, with its conclusions condensedin the last four pages, it is a book excellent inplan and in execution. The map, however, whichhas been selected for the book is overcrowded and,therefore, practically useless.

As a scientific study, its value is suggested by thetopics emphasized, viz., “Climate,”“Institutions,” “Foreign Influence,”“Proverbs,” “Folklore,” and“Writing System.” Referring to theclimate the author says: “In West Africathe body loses its strength, the memory its retentiveness,and the will its energy. These are the effectsobserved upon persons remaining in West Africa onlyfor a short time, and they form a part of the experienceof almost every person who has lived on the West Coast.White persons,—­with beautiful skin, clearand soft, and with rosy cheeks,—­after theyhave been in West Africa for a while become dark andtawny like the inhabitants of Southern Spain and Italy.If we can detect these effects of the West Africanclimate in only a short time upon persons who cometo the West Coast, what must have been the effectof such a climate upon the Negroes who for centurieshave been exposed to its hardships?”

The moral life of the Vais appears to be the productof their social institutions and their severe environment.These institutions grow out of the necessities ofgovernment for the tribe under circumstances whichsuggest and enforce their superstitions and beliefs.This is not so with respect to education. Itseems that the influence of the “Greegree Bush”(a school system) is now considerably weakened by theLiberian institutions on the one hand, the Mohammedanfaith and customs on the other. So that now thisinstitution falls short of achieving its aims, andputting its principles into practice.

The study as a whole gives evidence of the author’seight years of travel and research, and can be readwith profit by all friends of mankind.

Walter Dyson.

The Education of the Negro Prior to 1861.By C. G. Woodson, Ph.D. G. P. Putnam’sSons, New York, 1915. 460 pages. $2.00 net.

The very title of Dr. Woodson’s book causesone who is interested in the race history to ask questionsand think. There are comparatively few peoplewho know anything about the efforts made to educatethe Negro prior to 1861. Consequently, from thefirst page of the book to the last, the reader iscontinually acquiring facts concerning this most interestingand important phase of the Colored-American’shistory of which he has never heard before, and someof which seem too wonderful to be true. But itis not possible to doubt anything which is found inDr. Woodson’s book. One knows that everystatement he reads concerning the education of theNegro prior to 1861 is true, for the author has takenpains to substantiate every fact that he presents.

It is difficult to imagine any phase of race historymore fascinating and more thrilling than an accountof the desperate and prolonged struggle between theforces which made for the mental and spiritual enlightenmentof the slave and those which opposed these humane andChristian efforts with all the bitterness and strengthat their command. The reasons assigned by thosewho favored the education of the slaves and the methodssuggested together with the arguments used by thosewho were opposed to it and the laws enacted to preventit furnish an illuminating study in human nature.

One is surprised to find that very early in the historyof the colonies there were scholars and statesmenwho did not hesitate to declare their belief in theintellectual possibilities of the Negro. Thesemen agreed with George Buchanan that the Negro hadtalent for the fine arts and under favorable circumstancescould achieve something worth while in literature,mathematics and philosophy. The high estimateplaced upon the innate ability of the Negro may beattributed to the fact that early in the history ofthe country there was a goodly number of slaves whohad managed to attain a certain intellectual proficiencyin spite of the difficulties which had to be overcome.By 1791 a colored minister had so distinguished himselfthat he was called to the pastorate of the First BaptistChurch (white) of Portsmouth, Va. Benjamin Banneker’sproficiency in mathematics enabled him to make thefirst clock manufactured in the United States.As the author himself says, “the instances ofNegroes struggling to obtain an education read likethe beautiful romances of a people in an heroic age.”

Indeed the reaction which developed against allowingthe slaves to pick up the few fragments of knowledgewhich they had been able to secure was due to someextent to the enthusiasm and eagerness with which theyavailed themselves of the opportunities afforded themand the salutary effect which the enlightenment hadon their character. The account of the establishmentof schools and churches for slaves who were transplantedto free soil is one of the most interesting chaptersin the book. The struggle for the higher education

shows that tremendous obstacles had been removed,before the race was allowed to secure the opportunitywhich it so earnestly desired. In the chapteron vocational training the effort made by coloredpeople themselves to secure economic equality, andthe determined opposition to it manifested by whitemechanics are clearly and strongly set forth.In the appendix of the book one finds a number ofinteresting and valuable treatises, while the bibliographyis of great assistance to any student of race history.

In addition to the fund of information which is securedby reading Dr. Woodson’s book, a perusal ofit can not help but increase one’s respect fora race which under the most disheartening and discouragingcircumstances strove so heroically and persistentlyto cultivate its mind and allowed nothing to turnit aside and conquer its will.

“The Education of the Negro Prior to 1861”is a work of profound historical research, full ofinteresting data on a most important phase of racelife which has hitherto remained unexplored and neglected.

Mary Church Terrell.

NOTES

In the death of Booker T. Washington the field ofhistory lost one of its greatest figures. Hewill be remembered mainly as an educational reformer,a man of vision, who had the will power to make hisdreams come true. In the field of history, however,he accomplished sufficient to make his name immortal.His “Up from Slavery” is a longchapter of the story of a rising race; his “FrederickDouglass” is the interpretation of the lifeof a distinguished leader by a great citizen; and his“Story of the Negro” is one ofthe first successful efforts to give the Negro a largerplace in history.

Doubleday, Page and Company will in the near futurepublish an extensive biography of Booker T. Washington.

During the Inauguration Week of Fisk University anumber of Negro scholars held a conference to considermaking a systematic study of Negro life. A committeewas appointed to arrange for a larger meeting.

Dr. C. G. Woodson is now writing a volume to be entitled“The Negro in the Northwest Territory”

The Neale Publishing Company has brought out “ThePolitical History of Slavery in the United States”by J. Z. George.

“Lincoln and Episodes of the Civil War”by W. E. Doster, appears among the publications ofthe Putnams.

“Black and White in the South”is the title of a volume from the pen of M. S. Evans,appearing with the imprint of Longmans, Green and Company.

T. Fisher Unwin has brought out “The SavageMan in Central Africa" by A. L. Cureau.

“Reconstruction in Georgia, Social, Political,1865-1872" by C. Mildred Thompson, appears asa comprehensive volume in the Columbia UniversityStudies in History, Economics, and Public Law.

* * * * *

THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY

VOL. I—­APRIL, 1916—­No.2

PUBLISHED QUARTERLY

CONTENTS

KELLY MILLER: The Historic Background of the Negro Physician

W. B. HARTGROVE: The Negro Soldier in the AmericanRevolution

C. G. WOODSON: Freedom and Slavery in AppalachianAmerica

A. O. STAFFORD: Antar, the Arabian Negro Warrior,Poet and Hero

DOCUMENTS:
Eighteenth Century Slaves As AdvertisedBy Their Masters:
Learning a Modern Language;
Learning to Read and Write;
Educated Negroes;
Slaves in Good Circumstances;
Negroes Brought from the WestIndies;
Various Kinds of Servants;
Negro Privateers and SoldiersPrior to The American Revolution;
Relations Between the Slavesand the British During The Revolutionary
War;
Relations Between the SlavesAnd the French During The Colonial Wars;
Colored Methodist PreachersAmong the Slaves;
Slaves in Other Professions;
Close Relations of the Slavesand Indentured Servants.

REVIEWS OF BOOKS:
DUBOIS’S TheNegro;
ROMAN’S TheAmerican Civilization and the Negro;
HENRY’S ThePolice Control of the Slave in South Carolina;
STEWARD AND STEWARD’SGouldtown.

NOTES

HOW THE PUBLIC RECEIVED THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
Various Letters andReviews

THE ASSOCIATION FOR THE STUDY OF NEGRO LIFE AND HISTORY, INCORPORATED

41 North Queen Street, Lancaster, PA.2223 Twelfth Street, Washington, D.C.

25 Cents A Copy $1.00 A Year

Copyright, 1916

THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY

VOL. I—­APRIL, 1916—­No. 2

THE HISTORIC BACKGROUND OF THE NEGRO PHYSICIAN

In a homogeneous society where there is no racialcleavage, only the selected members of the most favoredclass occupy the professional stations. The elementrepresenting the social status of the Negro would,therefore, furnish few members of the coveted callings.The element of race, however, complicates every featureof the social equation. In India we are toldthat the population is divided horizontally by casteand vertically by religion; but in America the racespirit serves both as horizontal and vertical separations.The Negro is segregated and shut in to himself inall social and semi-social relations of life.This isolation necessitates separate ministrativeagencies from the lowest to the highest rounds of

the ladder of service. During the days of slaverythe interests of the master demanded that he shoulddirect the general social and moral life of the slave,and should provide especially for his physical well-being.The sudden severance of this tie left the Negro whollywithout intimate guidance and direction. Theignorant must be enlightened, the sick must be healed,and the poor must have the gospel preached to them.The situation and circumstances under which the racefound itself demanded that its professional class,for the most part, should be men of their own bloodand sympathies. The needed service could not beeffectively performed by those who assumed and assertedracial arrogance, and bestowed their professionalservice as cold crumbs that fell from the master’stable. The professional class who are to upliftand direct the lowly must not say, “So far shaltthou come, but not any farther,” but rather,“Where I am, there ye shall be also.”

There is no more pathetic chapter in the history ofhuman struggle than the emergence of the smotheredambition of this race to meet the social exigenciesinvolved in the professional needs of the masses.In an instant, in the twinkling of an eye, the plowhandwas transformed into a priest, the barber into a bishop,the housemaid into a schoolmistress, the day-laborerinto a lawyer, and the porter into a physician.These high places of intellectual and professionalauthority, into which they found themselves thrustby stress of social necessity, had to be operated withat least some semblance of conformity to the standardswhich had been established by the European throughthe traditions of the ages. The higher placein society occupied by the choicest members of thewhite race, and that too after long years of arduouspreparation, had to be assumed by black men withoutpersonal or formal fitness. The stronger and moreaggressive natures pushed themselves into these highercallings by sheer force of untutored energy and uncontrolledambition.

An accurate study of the healing art as practicedby Negroes in Africa as well as its continuance aftertransplantation in America would form an investigationof great historical interest. This, however, isnot the purpose of this paper. It is sufficientto note the fact that witchcraft and the control ofdisease through roots, herbs, charms and conjurationare universally practiced on the continent of Africa.Indeed, the medicine man has a standing and influencethat is sometimes superior to that of kings and queens.The natives of Africa have discovered their own materiamedica by actual practice and experience with themedicinal value of minerals and plants. It mustbe borne in mind that any pharmacopeia must rest uponthe basis of practical experiment and experience.The science of medicine was developed by man in hisgroping to relieve pain and to curb disease, and wasnot handed down ready made from the skies. Inthis groping, the African, like the rest of the childrenof men, has been feeling after the right remedies,if haply he might find them.

It was inevitable that the prevailing practice ofconjuration in Africa should be found among Negroesafter they had been transferred to the new continent.The conjure man was well known in every slave community.He generally turned his art, however, to malevolentrather than benevolent uses; but this was not alwaysthe case. Not infrequently these medicine mengained such wide celebrity among their own race asto attract the attention of the whites. As earlyas 1792 a Negro by the name of Cesar[1] had gainedsuch distinction for his curative knowledge of rootsand herbs that the Assembly of South Carolina purchasedhis freedom and gave him an annuity of one hundredpounds.

That slaves not infrequently held high rank amongtheir own race as professional men may be seen fromthe advertisements of colonial days. A runawayNegro named Simon was in 1740 advertised in ThePennsylvania Gazette[2] as being able to “bleedand draw teeth” and “pretending to bea great doctor among his people.” Referringin 1797 to a fugitive slave of Charleston, South Carolina,The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser[3] said:“He passes for a Doctor among people of his colorand it is supposed practices in that capacity abouttown.” The contact of such practitionerswith the white race was due to the fact that the professionof the barber was at one time united with that ofthe physician. The practice of phlebotomy wasconsidered an essential part of the doctor’swork. As the Negro early became a barber andthe profession was united with that of the physician,it is natural to suppose that he too would assume thelatter function. That phlebotomy was consideredan essential part of the practice of the medicineis seen from the fact that it was practiced upon GeorgeWashington in his last illness. An instance ofthis sort of professional development among the Negroesappears in the case of the barber, Joseph Ferguson.Prior to 1861 he lived in Richmond, Virginia, unitingthe three occupations of leecher, cupper, and barber.This led to his taking up the study of medicine inMichigan, where he graduated and practiced for manyyears.

The first regularly recognized Negro physician, ofwhom there is a complete record, was James Derham,of New Orleans. He was born in Philadelphia in1762, where he was taught to read and write, and instructedin the principles of Christianity. When a boyhe was transferred by his master to Dr. John Kearsley,Jr., who employed him occasionally to compound medicines,and to perform some of the more humble acts of attentionto his patients. Upon the death of Dr. Kearsley,he became (after passing through several hands) theproperty of Dr. George West, surgeon to the SixteenthBritish Regiment, under whom, during the RevolutionaryWar, he performed many of the menial duties of themedical profession. At the close of the war,he was sold by Dr. West to Dr. Robert Dove at NewOrleans, who employed him as an assistant in his business,

in which capacity he gained so much of his confidenceand friendship, that he consented to liberate him,after two or three years, upon easy terms. FromDr. Derham’s numerous opportunities of improvingin medicine, he became so well acquainted with thehealing art, as to commence practicing in New Orleans,under the patronage of his last master. He oncedid business to the amount of three thousand dollarsa year. Benjamin Rush, who had the opportunityto meet him, said: “I have conversed withhim upon most of the acute and epidemic diseases ofthe country where he lives and was pleased to findhim perfectly acquainted with the modern simple modeof practice on those diseases. I expected to havesuggested some new medicines to him; but he suggestedmany more to me. He is very modest and engagingin his manners. He speaks French fluently andhas some knowledge of the Spanish language."[4]

The most noted colored physician after the time ofJames Derham was Doctor James McCune Smith, a graduateof the University of Glasgow. He began the practiceof medicine in New York about 1837, and soon distinguishedhimself as a physician and surgeon. He passedas a man of unusual merit not only among his own peoplebut among the best elements of that metropolis.That he was appreciated by the leading white physiciansof the city is evidenced by the fact that in 1852he was nominated as one of the five men to draft aconstitution for the “Statistic Institute”of which he became a leading member. For a numberof years he held the position of physician to thecolored orphan asylum, serving on the staff with anumber of white doctors.

Living in a day when the Negro was the subject ofmuch anthropological and physiological discussion,Doctor Smith could not resist participating in thiscontroversy. There were at this time a numberof persons who were resorting to science to provethe inferiority of the Negro. Given a hearingextending over several evenings, Doctor Smith ablydiscussed “The Comparative Anatomy of the Races”before an assembly of the most distinguished ladiesand gentlemen of the city, triumphing over his antagonist.In 1846 he produced a valuable work entitled “TheInfluence of Climate on Longevity, with Special Referenceto Insurance.” This paper was written asa refutation of a disquisition of John C. Calhoun onthe colored race. Among other things Doctor Smithsaid: “The reason why the proportion ofmortality is not a measure of longevity, is the following:The proportion of mortality is a statement of how manypersons die in a population; this, of course, doesnot state the age at which those persons die.If 1 in 45 die in Sweden, and 1 in 22 in Grenada, theage of the dead might be alike in both countries;here the greater mortality might actually accompanythe greater longevity."[5]

The first real impetus to bring Negroes in considerablenumbers into the professional world came from theAmerican Colonization Society, which in the earlyyears flourished in the South as well as in the North.This organization hoped to return the free Negroesto Africa and undertook to prepare professional leadersof their race for the Liberian colony. “Toexecute this scheme, leaders of the colonization movementendeavored to educate Negroes in mechanic arts, agriculture,science and Biblical literature. Exceptionallybright youths were to be given special training ascatechists, teachers, preachers and physicians.Not much was said about what they were doing, butnow and then appeared notices of Negroes who had beenprepared privately in the South or publicly in theNorth for service in Liberia. Dr. William Taylorand Dr. Fleet were thus educated in the District ofColumbia. In the same way John V. DeGrasse, ofNew York, and Thomas J. White, of Brooklyn, were allowedto complete the medical course at Bowdoin in 1849.In 1854 Dr. DeGrasse was admitted as a member of theMassachusetts Medical Society. In 1858 the BerkshireMedical School graduated two colored doctors who weregratuitously educated by the American EducationalSociety."[6] Dr. A. T. Augusta studied medicine atthe University of Toronto. He qualified by competitiveexamination and obtained the position of surgeon inthe United States Army, being the first Negro to holdsuch a position. After the war he became one ofthe leading colored physicians in the District ofColumbia. Prior to 1861 Negroes had taken coursesat the Medical School of the University of New York;Caselton Medical School in Vermont; Berkshire MedicalSchool in Pittsfield, Massachusetts; the Rush MedicalSchool in Chicago; the Eclectic Medical School inPhiladelphia; the Homeopathic College of Cleveland;and the Medical School of Harvard University.

The next colored physician of prominence was MartinR. Delany. Delany grew to manhood in Pittsburgh,where early in his career he began the study of medicine,but abandoned it for pursuits in other parts.In 1849 he returned to that city and resumed his studiesunder Doctors Joseph P. Gazzan and Francis J. Lemoyne,who secured for him admission to the medical departmentof Harvard College after he had been refused by theUniversity Pennsylvania, Jefferson College, and themedical colleges of Albany and Geneva, New York.After leaving Harvard, he, like Dr. Smith, becameinterested in the discussion of the superiority andinferiority of races, and traveled extensively throughthe West, lecturing with some success on the physiologicalaspect of these subjects. He then returned toPittsburgh, where he became a practitioner and distinguishedhimself in treating the cholera during the epidemicof 1854. About this time his worth to the communitywas attested by his appointment as a member of theSubcommittee of Referees who furnished the Municipal

Board of Charity with medical advice as to the needsof white and colored persons desiring aid. In1856 he removed to Chatham, Canada, where he practicedmedicine a number of years. Doctor Delany thereafterlike William Wells Brown, an occasional physician,devoted most of his time to the uplift of his people,traveling in America, Africa and England. He becamesuch a worker among his people that he was known asa leader rather than a physician. He served inthe Civil War as a commissioned officer of the UnitedStates Army, ranking as major.

Up to this point the colored physician had appearedas an occasional or exceptional individual, but hardlyas forming a professional class. Following thewake of the Civil War colleges and universities wereplanted in all parts of the South for the sake ofpreparing leaders for the newly emancipated race.Several medical schools were established in connectionwith these institutions. The rise of the Negrophysician as a professional class may be dated fromthe establishment of these institutions. The Schoolof Medicine of Howard University, Washington, D.C.,and the Meharry Medical College at Nashville, Tennessee,proved to be the strongest of these institutions andtoday are supplying the Negro medical profession witha large number of its annual recruits.

Dr. Charles B. Purvis, who was graduated from theMedical College of Western Reserve University in Cleveland,Ohio, in 1865, is perhaps the oldest colored physicianin the United States; and by general consent ranksas dean of the fraternity. He shared with Dr.A. T. Augusta the honor of being one of the few coloredmen to become surgeons in the United States Army.Shortly after graduation he was made assistant surgeonin the Freedmen’s Hospital at Washington, D.C.,with which institution he was connected during theentire period of his active professional life.The development and present position of the medicalschool at Howard University is due to Dr. Purvis morethan to any other single individual. For severalyears he has been retired upon the Carnegie Foundation.Dr. George W. Hubbard, a distinguished white physician,dean of the Meharry Medical College, Nashville, Tennessee,has also been a great pioneer and promoter of themedical education of the Negro race.

At first, the Negro patient refused to put confidencein the physician of his own race, notwithstandingthe closer intimacy of social contact. It wasnot until after he had demonstrated his competencyto treat disease as well as his white competitor thathe was able to win recognition among his own people.The colored physician is everywhere in open competitionwith the white practitioner, who never refuses to treatNegro patients, if allowed to assume the disdainfulattitude of racial superiority. If the Negrodoctor did not secure practically as good results inthe treatment of disease as the white physician, hewould soon find himself without patients.

According to the last census there were in the UnitedStates 3,077 Negro physicians and 478 Negro dentists.When we consider the professional needs of ten millionsof Negroes, it will be seen that the quota is not overone fourth full. There is urgent need especiallyfor an additional number of pharmacists and dentists.It must be said for the Negro physician that theirmembership more fully measures up to the full statusof a professional class than that of any other professionamong colored men. Every member of the professionmust have a stated medical education based upon considerableacademic preparation, sufficient to enable them topass the rigid tests of State Boards in various partsof the country. The best regulated medical schoolsare now requiring at least two years of college trainingas a basis for entering upon the study of medicine.Under the stimulus of these higher standards the Negromedical profession will become more thoroughly equippedand proficient in the years to come.

These physicians maintain a national medical associationwhich meets annually in different parts of the countryand prepare and discuss papers bearing upon the variousphases of their profession. There are under thecontrol of Negro physicians a number of hospitals whereare performed operations verging upon the limits ofsurgical skill. The profession has developednot a few physicians and surgeons whose ability haswon recognition throughout their profession.A number of them have performed operations which haveattracted wide attention and have contributed to leadingjournals discussions dealing with the various formsand phases of disease, as well as their medical andsurgical treatment.

By reason of the stratum which the Negro occupies,the race is an easy prey to disease that affects thehealth of the whole nation. The germs of diseasehave no race prejudice. They do not even drawthe line at social equality, but gnaw with equal avidityat the vitals of white and black alike, and pass withthe greatest freedom of intercourse from the one tothe other. One touch of disease makes the wholeworld kin, and also kind. The Negro physiciancomes into immediate contact with the masses of hisrace; he is the missionary of good health. Hisministration is not only to his own race, but to thecommunity and to the nation as a whole. The whiteplague seems to love the black victim. This diseasemust be stamped out by the nation through concertedaction. The Negro physician is one of the mostefficient agencies to render this national service.During the entire history of the race on this continent,there has been no more striking indication of itscapacity for self-reclamation and of its ability tomaintain a professional class on the basis of scientificefficiency than the rise and success of the Negrophysician.

KELLY MILLER

FOOTNOTES:

[1] THE NEGRO CESAR’S CURE FOR POISON

Take the roots of plantane and wildhoarhound, fresh or dried, three ounces, boilthem together in two quarts of water to one quart,and strain it; of this decoction let the patienttake one third part, three mornings fasting,successively, from which, if he finds any relief,it must be continued until he is perfectly recovered.On the contrary, if he finds no alteration afterthe third dose, it is a sign that the patienthas not been poisoned at all, or that it has beenwith such poison that Cesar’s antidote willnot remedy, so may leave off the decoction.

During the cure thepatient must live on spare diet, and abstain from
eating mutton, pork,butter, or any other fat or oily food.

N. B. The plantane orhoarhound will either of them cure alone, but
they are most efficacioustogether.

In summer you may takeone handful of the roots and of the branches of
each, in place of threeounces of the roots each.

For drink during the cure let themtake the following: Take of the roots ofgoldenrod, six ounces or in summer, two large handfulsof the roots and branches together, and boilthem in two quarts of water to one quart, towhich also may be added, a little hoarhound and sassafras;to this decoction after it is strained, add a glassof rum or brandy, and sweeten with sugar forordinary drink.

Sometimes an inward fever attends suchas are poisoned, for which he ordered the following:Take one pint of wood ashes and three pints of water,stir and mix well together, let them stand all nightand strain or decant the lye off in the morning,of which ten ounces may be taken six morningsfollowing, warmed or cold according to the weather.

These medicines haveno sensible operation, though sometimes they work
on the bowels, and givea gentle stool.

The symptoms attending such as arepoisoned, are as follows: A pain of thebreast, difficulty of breathing, a load at the pitof the stomach, an irregular pulse, burning andviolent pains of the viscera above and belowthe navel, very restless at night, sometimes wanderingpains over the whole body, a reaching inclinationto vomit, profuse sweats (which prove alwaysserviceable), slimy stools, both when costive andloose, the face of pale and yellow color, sometimesa pain and inflamation of the throat, the appetiteis generally weak, and some cannot eat anything;those who have been long poisoned are generally veryfeeble and weak in their limbs, sometimes spit a greatdeal, the whole skin peels, and lastly the hairfalls off.

Cesar’s cure for the bite ofa rattlesnake: Take of the roots of plantaneor hoarhound (in summer roots and branches together),a sufficient quantity; bruise them in a mortar,and squeeze out the juice, of which give as soonas possible, one large spoonful; this generallywill cure; but if he finds no relief n an hour afteryou may give another spoonful which never hathfailed.

If the roots are driedthey must be moistened with a little water.

To the wound may beapplied a leaf of good tobacco, moistened with
rum.

The MassachusettsMagazine, IV, 103-104 (1792).

[2] The Pennsylvania Gazette, Sept. 11, 1740.

[3] The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser,June 22, 1797.

[4] The Columbian Gazette, II, 742-743.

[5] Delany, “Condition of the Colored People,”111.

[6] C. G. Woodson, “The Education of the NegroPrior to 1861.”

THE NEGRO SOLDIER IN THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION

The facts as to the participation of Negroes in theAmerican Revolution have received the attention ofseveral writers. Yet not one of them has madea scientific presentation of the facts which they havediscovered. These historians have failed to considerthe bearing of the status of the free Negro duringthe colonial period, the meaning of the Revolutionto the Negro, and what the service of the Negro soldiersfirst enlisted effected in changing the attitude ofthe people toward the blacks throughout the originalthirteen colonies.

To a person who has lived in the nineteenth or twentiethcentury it would seem incredible that Negroes, themajority of whom were then slaves, should have beenallowed to fight in the Continental Army. Thelayman here may forget that during the eighteenthcentury slavery was a patriarchal institution ratherthan the economic plantation system as it developedafter the multiplication of mechanical appliances,which brought about the world-wide industrial revolution.During the eighteenth century a number of slaves broughtclosely into contact with their masters were graduallyenlightened and later emancipated. Such freedmen,in the absence of any laws to the contrary, exercisedpolitical rights,[1] among which was that of bearingarms. Negroes served not only in the AmericanRevolution, but in every war of consequence duringthe colonial period. There were masters who sentslaves to the front to do menial labor and to fightin the places of their owners. Then there wereslaves who, finding it easier to take occasional chanceswith bullets than to bear the lash, ran away from theirmasters and served as privateers or enlisted as freemen.[2]The newspapers of the colonial period often mentionedthese facts in their advertisements of fugitive slaves.In 1760 a master had considerable difficulty with aslave who escaped from New England into New Jersey,where he said he would enlist in the provincial service.[3]Advertising for his mulatto servant, who was broughtup in Rhode Island, James Richardson of Stoningtonsaid that the fugitive had served as a soldier theprevious summer.[4] A few free Negroes found theirway into the colonial militia along with white soldiers.This passed, of course, not without some opposition,as in the case of Massachusetts. In 1656 thatcolony excluded Negroes and Indians from the militia,and according to Governor Bradstreet’s reportto the Board of Trade in 1680 and subsequent actiontaken by that colony in 1775 and 1776, it adheredto this policy.[5]

Favorable as this condition of Negroes during thecolonial period seemed, the situation became stillmore desirable during the Revolution itself.This upheaval was social as well as political.Aristocracy was suddenly humiliated and the man inthe common walks of life found himself in power, grapplingwith problems which he had long desired to solve.Sprung from the indentured servant poor white class,the new rulers had more sympathy for the man farthestdown. The slaves, therefore, received more consideration.In the heat of the excitement of war the system lostalmost all of its rigor, the slave codes in some casesfalling into desuetude. The contest for libertywas in the mouths of some orators of the Revolutionthe cause of the blacks as well as that of the whites,and the natural rights of the former were openly discussedin urging the independence of the United States.When men like Laurens, Henry, Hamilton and Otis spokefor the rights of the American colonies, they werenot silent on the duty of the American people towardtheir slaves.[6] In 1774 a patriot in the ProvincialCongress of Massachusetts spoke of the “propriety,that while we are attempting to free ourselves fromslavery, our present embarrassments, and preserveourselves from slavery, that we also take into considerationthe state and circumstances of the Negro slaves inthis province."[7]

When the Revolution came the Negro was actually inthe army before the question of his enlistment couldbe raised by those who had not yet been won to thecause of universal freedom. Feeling the same patriotismwhich the white man experienced, the Negro bared hisbreast to the bullet and gave his life as a sacrificefor the liberty of his country. According toBancroft, “the roll of the army of Cambridgehad from its first formation borne the names of menof color.” “Free Negroes,” saidhe, “stood in the ranks by the side of whitemen. In the beginning of the war they had enteredthe provincial army; the first general order whichwas issued by Ward had required a return, among otherthings, of the complexion of the soldiers; and blackmen, like others, were retained in the service afterthe troops were adopted by the continent."[8]

Before the various officials had had time to decidewhether or not the Negro should be enlisted, manyhad numbered themselves among the first to spill theirblood in behalf of American liberty. Peter Salemhad distinguished himself at Bunker Hill by killingMajor Pitcairn,[9] a number of other Negroes underthe command of Major Samuel Lawrence had heroicallyimperilled their lives and rescued him when he hadadvanced so far beyond his troops that he was aboutto be surrounded and taken prisoner,[10] and SalemPoor of Colonel Frye’s regiment had acquittedhimself with such honor in the battle of Charlestownthat fourteen American officers commended him to theContinental Congress for his valor.[11] But greatas were the services rendered by these patriots of

color, the increase in the number of blacks in theContinental Army gave rise to vexatious questions.There were those who, influenced by the theories whichhad made the Revolution possible, hailed with joy theadvent of the Negro in the role of the defender ofhis country, which they believed owed him freedomand opportunity. Some, having the idea that theNegro was a savage, too stupid to be employed in fightingthe battles of freemen, seriously objected to hisenlistment. Others were fearful of the resultfrom setting the example of employing an uncivilizedpeople to fight the British, who would then have anexcuse not only for enlisting Negroes[12] but alsothe Indians. A still larger number felt thatthe question of arming the slaves would simply reduceitself to one of deciding whether or not the coloniesshould permit the British to beat them playing theirown game.[13]

In the beginning, however, those who believed theNegroes should be excluded from the army triumphed.Massachusetts officially took a stand against theenlistment of slaves. The Committee of Safety,of which John Hancock and Joseph Ward were members,reported in May, 1775, to the Provincial Congressthe opinion that as the contest then between GreatBritain and her colonies respected the liberties andprivileges of the latter, that the admission of anypersons but freemen as soldiers would be inconsistentwith the principles supported and would reflect dishonoron the colony.[14] They urged that no slaves be admittedinto the army under any consideration whatever.No action was taken. This was not seemingly directedat the enlistment of free Negroes; but it must havehad some effect, for in July of the same year, whenWashington took command of the army at Cambridge,there were issued from his headquarters to recruitingofficers instructions prohibiting the enlistment ofany Negro, any person not native of this country,unless such person had a wife and a family and wasa settled resident.[15]

This matter became one of such concern that the officialsof the Continental Army had to give it more seriousconsideration. Communications relative theretodirected to the Continental Congress provoked a debatein that body in September, 1775. On the occasionof drafting a letter to Washington, reported by acommittee consisting of Lynch, Lee and Adams, to whomseveral of his communications had been referred, Rutledge,of South Carolina, moved that the commander-in-chiefbe instructed to discharge from the army all Negroes,whether slave or free.[16] It seems that Rutledge hadthe support of the Southern delegates, but failed tosecure a majority vote in favor of this radical proposition.

The matter was not yet settled, however. On theeighth of the following month there was held a councilof war consisting of Washington, Ward, Lee, Putnam,Thomas, Spencer, Heath, Sullivan, Greene and Gates,to consider the question whether or not it would beadvisable to enlist Negroes in the new army or “whetherthere be any distinction between such as are slavesand those who are free.” It was unanimouslyagreed to reject all slaves and by a large majorityto refuse Negroes altogether.[17] Upon consideringten days later the question of devising a method ofrenovating the army, however, the question of enlistingNegroes came up again before a Committee of Conference.The leaders in this council were Benjamin Franklin,Benjamin Harrison, Thomas Lynch, the Deputy Governorsof Connecticut and Rhode Island, and the Committeeof Council of Massachusetts Bay. They were askedthe question whether Negroes should be excluded fromthe new enlistment, especially such as were slaves.This council also agreed that Negroes should be rejectedaltogether.[18] Accordingly, the general orders fromWashington, dated November 12, 1775, declared thatneither Negroes, boys unable to bear arms, nor oldmen unfit to endure fatigues of the campaign shouldbe enlisted.

The men who had taken this position had acted blindly.They had failed to consider the various complicationswhich might arise as a result of the refusal to admitNegroes to the army. What would the Negroes thinkwhen they saw their offering thrown away from thealtar of their country? Were the Revolutionaryfathers so stupid as to think that the British wouldadopt the same policy? They could not have believedthat the situation could be so easily cleared.Before the Revolution was well on its way the delegatesfrom Georgia to the Continental Congress had alreadyexperienced certain fears as to the safety of Georgiaand South Carolina. They believed that if onethousand regular troops should land in Georgia undera commander with adequate supplies and he should proclaimfreedom to all loyal Negroes, twenty thousand of themwould join the British in a fortnight. It wasto them a matter of much concern that the Negroes ofthese provinces had such a wonderful art of communicatingintelligence among themselves as to convey informationseveral hundred miles in a week or in a fortnight.[19]The colonists, too, could not ignore the bold attemptof Lord Dunmore, the dethroned governor of Virginia,who issued a proclamation of freedom to all slaveswho would fight for the king, endeavored to raisea black regiment among them, and actually used a numberof Negroes in the battle at Kemp’s Landing, wherethey behaved like well-seasoned soldiers, pursuingand capturing one of the attacking companies.[20]Referring thereafter to Lord Dunmore as an arch-traitorwho should be instantly crushed, George Washingtonsaid: “But that which renders the measureindispensably necessary is the Negroes, if he getsformidable numbers of them, will be tempted to join”him.

Subsequent developments showed that these misgivingswere justified. In July, 1776, General Greenelearned on Long Island that the British were aboutto organize in that vicinity a regiment of Negroesaggregating 200.[22] Taking as a pretext the enrollmentof Negroes in the Continental Army, Sir Henry Clintonproclaimed from Philipsburgh in 1779 that all Negroestaken in arms or upon any military duty should be purchasedfrom the captors for the public service, and thatevery Negro who would desert the “Rebel Standard”should have full security to follow within the Britishlines any occupation which he might think proper.[23]In 1781 General Greene reported to Washington fromNorth Carolina that the British there had undertakento embody immediately two regiments of Negroes.[24]They were operating just as aggressively farther South.“It has been computed by good judges,”says Ramsey, “that between the years 1775 and1783 the State of South Carolina lost 25,000 Negroes,[25]that is, one fifth of all the slaves, and a littlemore than half as many as its entire white population.At the evacuation of Charleston 241 Negroes and theirfamilies were taken off to St. Lucia in one transport,the Scimitar."[26] Yet in Georgia it is believed thatthe loss of Negroes was much greater, probably threefourths or seven eighths of all in the State.There the British were more successful in organizingand making use of Negroes. One third of the 600men by whom Fort Cornwallis was garrisoned at the siegeof Augusta were Negroes. So effective were someof these Negroes trained by the British in Georgiathat a corps of fugitive slaves calling themselvesthe “King of England’s Soldiers,”so harassed the people on both sides of the SavannahRiver, even after the Revolution, that it was fearedthat a general insurrection of the slaves there wouldfollow as a result of this most dangerous and bestdisciplined band of marauders that ever infested itsborders.[27]

The leaders of the Revolution, therefore, quicklyreceded from their radical position of excluding Negroesfrom the army. Informed that the free Negroeswho had served in the ranks in New England were sorelydispleased at their exclusion from the service, andfearing that they might join the enemy, Washingtondeparted, late in 1775, from the established policyof the staff and gave the recruiting officers leaveto accept such Negroes, promising to lay the matterbefore the Continental Congress, which he did notdoubt would approve it.[28] Upon the receipt of thiscommunication the matter was referred to a committeecomposed of Wythe, Adams and Wilson, who recommendedthat free Negroes who had served faithfully in thearmy at Cambridge might be reenlisted but no others.[29]In taking action on such communications thereafterthe Continental Congress followed the policy of leavingthe matter to the various States, which were thenjealously mindful of their rights.

Sane leaders generally approved the enlistment ofblack troops. General Thomas thought so wellof the proposition that he wrote John Adams in 1775,expressing his surprise that any prejudice againstit should exist.[30] Samuel Hopkins said in 1776 thatsomething should be speedily done with respect tothe slaves to prevent their turning against the Americans.He was of the opinion that the way to counteract thetendency of the Negroes to join the British was notto restrain them by force and severity but by publicacts to set the slaves free and encourage them tolabor and take arms in defense of the American cause.[31]Interested in favor of the Negroes both by “thedictates of humanity and true policy,” Hamiltonurged that slaves be given their freedom with the swordsto secure their fidelity, animate their courage, andinfluence those remaining in bondage by opening adoor to their emancipation.[32] General Greene emphaticallyurged that blacks be armed, believing that they wouldmake good soldiers.[33] Thinking that the slaves mightbe put to a much better use than being given as abounty to induce white men to enlist, James Madisonsuggested that the slaves be liberated and armed.[34]“It would certainly be consonant to the principlesof liberty,” said he, “which ought neverto be lost sight of in a contest for liberty.”John Laurens, of South Carolina, was among the firstto see the wisdom of this plan, directed the attentionof his coworkers to it, and when authorized by theContinental Congress, proceeded to his native State,wishing that he had the persuasive power of a Demosthenesto make his fellow citizens accept this proposition.[35]In 1779 Laurens said: “I would advance thosewho are unjustly deprived of the rights of mankindto a state which would be a proper gradation betweenabject slavery and perfect liberty, and besides Iam persuaded that if I could obtain authority for thepurpose, I would have a corps of such men trained,uniformly clad, equipped and ready in every respectto act at the opening of the next campaign.”

All of the colonies thereafter tended to look morefavorably upon the enlistment of colored troops.Free Negroes enlisted in Virginia and so many slavesdeserted their masters for the army that the Stateenacted in 1777 a law providing that no Negro shouldbe enlisted unless he had a certificate of freedom.[36]That commonwealth, however, soon took another steptoward greater recognition of the rights of the Negroeswho desired to be free to help maintain the honorof the State. With the promise of freedom formilitary service many slaves were sent to the armyas substitutes for freemen. The effort of inhumanmasters to force such Negroes back into slavery atthe close of their service at the front actuated theliberal legislators of that commonwealth to pass theAct of Emancipation, proclaiming freedom to all Negroeswho had thus enlisted and served their term faithfully,and empowered them to sue in forma pauperis,should they thereafter be unlawfully held in bondage.[37]

In the course of time there arose an urgent need forthe Negro in the army. The army reached the pointwhen almost all sorts of soldiers were acceptable.In 1778 General Varnum induced General Washington tosend certain officers from Valley Forge to Rhode Islandto enlist a battalion of Negroes to fill the depletedranks of that State.[38] Setting forth in the preamblethat “history affords us frequent precedentsof the wisest, freest and bravest nations having liberatedtheir slaves and enlisted them as soldiers to fightin defense of their country,” the Rhode IslandAssembly resolved to raise a regiment of slaves, whowere to be freed upon their enlistment, their ownersto be paid by the State according to the valuationof a committee. Further light was thrown uponthis action in the statement of Governor Cooke, whoin reporting the action of the Assembly to Washingtonboasted that liberty was given to every effective slaveto don the uniform and that upon his passing musterhe became absolutely free and entitled to all thewages, bounties and encouragements given to any othersoldier.[39]

The State of New Hampshire enlisted Negroes and gaveto those who served three years the same bounty offeredothers. This bounty was turned over to theirmasters as the price of the slaves in return for whichtheir owners issued bills of sale and certificatesof freedom.[40] In this way slavery practically passedout in New Hampshire. This affair did not proceedso smoothly as this in Massachusetts. In 1778that legislature had a committee report in favor ofraising a regiment of mulattoes and Negroes. Thisaction was taken as a result upon receiving an urgentletter from Thomas Kench, a member of an artilleryregiment serving on Castle Island. Kench referredto the fact that there were divers of Negroes in thebattalions mixed with white men, but he thought thatthe blacks would have a better esprit de corps shouldthey be organized in companies by themselves.But the feeling that slaves should not fight the battlesof freemen and a confusion of the question of enlistmentwith that of emancipation for which Massachusettswas not then prepared,[41] led to a heated debate inthe Massachusetts Council and finally to blows inthe coffee houses in lower Boston. In such anexcited state of affairs no further action was taken.Finding recruiting difficult it is said that Connecticutundertook to raise a colored regiment[42] and in 1781New York, offering the usual land bounty which wouldgo to the masters to purchase the slaves, promisedfreedom to all slaves who would enlist for the timeof three years.[43] Maryland provided in 1780 thateach unit of L16,000 of property should furnish onerecruit who might be either a freeman or a slave, andin 1781 resolved to raise 750 Negroes to be incorporatedwith the other troops.[44]

Farther South the enlistment of Negroes had met withobstacles. The best provision the Southern legislatureshad been able to make was to provide in addition tothe allotment of money and land that a person offeringto fight for the country should have “one soundNegro"[45] or a “healthy sound Negro"[46] asthe laws provided in Virginia and South Carolina respectively.Threatened with invasion in 1779, however, the SouthernStates were finally compelled to consider this mattermore seriously.[47] The Continental Army had beencalled upon to cope with the situation but had noforce available for service in those parts. Thethree battalions of North Carolina troops, then onduty in the South, consisted of drafts from the militiafor nine months, which would expire before the endof the campaign. What were they to do then whenthis militia, which could not be uniformly kept up,should grow impatient with the service? Writingfrom the headquarters of the army at this time, AlexanderHamilton in discussing the advisability of this plandoubtless voiced the sentiment of the staff.He thought that Colonel Laurens’s plan for raisingthree or four battalions of emancipated Negroes wasthe most rational one that could be adopted in thatstate of Southern affairs. Hamilton foresaw theopposition from prejudice and self-interest, but insistedthat if the Americans did not make such a use of theNegroes, the British would.

The movement received further impetus when specialenvoys from South Carolina headed by Huger appearedbefore the Continental Congress on March 29, 1779,to impress upon that body the necessity of doing somethingto relieve the Southern colonies. South Carolina,they reported, was suffering from an exposed conditionin that the number of slaves being larger than thatof the whites, she was unable to effect anything forits defense with the natives, because of the largenumber necessary to remain at home to prevent insurrectionsamong the Negroes and their desertion to the enemy.These representatives, therefore, suggested that theremight be raised among the Negroes in that State aforce “which would not only be formidable tothe enemy from their numbers and the discipline ofwhich they would readily admit but would also lessenthe danger from revolts and desertions by detachingthe most vigorous and enterprising from among the Negroes.”At the same time the Committee expressed the opinionthat a matter of such vital interest to the two Statesconcerned should be referred to their legislativebodies to judge as to the expediency of taking thisstep, and that if these commonwealths found it satisfactorythat the United States should defray the expenses.

Congress passed a resolution complying with theserecommendations.[48] Laurens, the father of the movement,was made a lieutenant-colonel and he went immediatelyhome to urge upon South Carolina the expediency ofadopting this plan. There Laurens met determinedopposition from the majority of the aristocrats whoset themselves against “a measure of so threateningaspect and so offensive to that republican pride, whichdisdains to commit the defence of the country to servilebands or share with a color to which the idea of inferiorityis inseparably connected, the profession of arms,and that approximation of condition which must existbetween the regular soldier and the militiaman.”It was to no purpose too that Laurens renewed hisefforts at a later period. He mustered all ofhis energy to impress upon the Legislature the needof taking this action but finally found himself outvoted,having only reason on his side and “being opposedby a triple-headed monster that shed the baneful influenceof avarice, prejudice, and pusillanimity in all ourassemblies.” “It was some consolationto me, however,” said he, “to find thatphilosophy and truth had made some little progresssince my last effort, as I obtained twice as manysuffrages as before.”

Hearing of the outcome, Washington wrote him thathe was not at all astonished at it, as that spiritof freedom, which at the commencement of the Revolutionwould have sacrificed everything to the attainmentof this object, had long since subsided, and everyselfish passion had taken its place. “Itis not the public but the private interest,”said he, “which influences the generality ofmankind, nor can Americans any longer boast an exception.Under these circumstances it would have been rathersurprising if you had succeeded."[49] It is difficult,however, to determine exactly what Washington’sattitude was. Two days after Hamilton wrote Jayabout raising colored troops in South Carolina, theelder Laurens wrote Washington: “Had wearms for three thousand such black men as I couldselect in Carolina, I should have no doubt of successin driving the British out of Georgia, and subduingEast Florida before the end of July.” Tothis Washington answered: “The policy ofour arming slaves is in my opinion a moot point, unlessthe enemy set the example. For, should we beginto form Battalions of them, I have not the smallestdoubt, if the war is to be prosecuted, of their followingus in it, and justifying the measure upon our ownground. The contest then must be who can armfastest, and where are our arms? Besides I amnot clear that a discrimination will not render slaverymore irksome to those who remain in it. Mostof the good and evil things in this life are judgedby comparison; and I fear a comparison in this casewill be productive of much discontent in those, whoare held in servitude. But, as this is a subjectthat has never employed much of my thoughts, theseare no more than the first crude Ideas that have struckme upon ye occasion."[50]

What then resulted from the agitation and discussion?The reader naturally wants to know how many Negroeswere actually engaged in the Continental Army.Here we find ourselves at sea. We have any amountof evidence that the number of Negroes engaged becameconsiderable, but exact figures are for several reasonslacking. In the first place, free Negroes rarelyserved in separate battalions. They marched sideby side with the white soldier, and in most cases,according to the War Department, even after makingan extended research as to the names, organizations,and numbers, the results would be that little canbe obtained from the records to show exactly whatsoldiers were white and what were colored.[51] Moreoverthe first official efforts to keep the Negroes outof the army must not be regarded as having stoppedsuch enlistments. As there was not any formalsystem of recruiting, black men continued to enlist“under various laws and sometimes under no law,and in defiance of law.” The records ofevery one of the original thirteen States show thateach had colored troops. A Hessian officer observedin 1777 that “the Negro can take the field insteadof his master; and, therefore, no regiment is to beseen in which there are not negroes in abundance,and among them there are able-bodied, strong and bravefellows."[52] “Here too,” said he, “thereare many families of free negroes who live in goodhomes, have property and live just like the rest ofthe inhabitants.” In 1777 Alexander Scammell,Adjutant-General, made the following report as to thenumber and placement of the Negroes in the ContinentalArmy:

RETURN OFNEGROES IN THE ARMY, 24TH AUGUST, 1778

|-----------------|---------|--------------|-----------
-|--------| Brigades | Present | Sick, Absent | On Command | Total|-----------------|---------|--------------|------------|---
-----|North Carolina | 42 | 10 | 6 | 58|Woodford | 36 | 3 | 1 | 40|Muhlenburg | 64 | 26 | 8 | 98|Smallwood | 20 | 3 | 1 | 24|2d Maryland | 43 | 15 | 2 | 60|Wayne | 2 | .. | .. | 2|2d Pennsylvania | 33 | 1 | 1 | 35|Clinton | 33 | 2 | 4 | 62|Parsons | 117 | 12 | 19 | 148|Huntington | 56 | 2 | 4 | 62|Nixon | 26 | .. | 1 | 27|Paterson | 64 | 13 | 12 | 89|Late Learned | 34 | 4 | 8 | 46|Poor | 16 | 7 | 4 | 27|-----------------|---------|--------------|------------|---
-----| Total | 586 | 98 | 71 | 755------------------------------------------------------------
------

AlexanderScammell,
Adjutant-General.[52a]

But this report neither included the Negro soldiersenlisted in several other States nor those that joinedthe army later. Other records show that Negroesserved in as many as 18 brigades.

Some idea of the number of Negroes engaged may beobtained from the context of documents mentioningthe action taken by States. Rhode Island we haveobserved undertook to raise a regiment of slaves.Governor Cooke said that the slaves found there werenot many but that it was generally thought that 300or more would enlist. Four companies of emancipatedslaves were finally formed in that State at a costof L10,437 7s 7d.[53] Most of the 629 slaves thenfound in New Hampshire availed themselves of the opportunityto gain their freedom by enlistment as did many ofthe 15,000 slaves in New York. Connecticut hadfree Negroes in its regiments and formed also a regimentof colored soldiers assigned first to Meigs’and afterward to Butler’s command. Marylandresolved in 1781 to raise 750 Negroes to be incorporatedwith the other troops. Massachusetts thoughtof forming a separate battalion of Negroes and Indiansbut had no separate Negro regiment, the Negroes havingbeen admitted into the other battalions, after 1778,to the extent that there were colored troops from72 towns in that State. In view of these numerousfacts it is safe to conclude that there were at least4,000 Negro soldiers scattered throughout the ContinentalArmy.

As to the value of the services rendered by the coloredtroops we have only one witness to the contrary.This was Sidney S. Rider. He tried to ridiculethe black troops engaged in the Battle of Rhode Islandand contended that only a few of them took part inthe contest.[54] On the other hand we have two distinguishedwitnesses in their favor. The Marquis de Chastelluxsaid that “at the passage to the ferry I meta detachment of the Rhode Island regiment, the samecorps we had with us the last summer, but they havesince been recruited and clothed. The greatestpart of them are Negroes or Mulattoes; but they arestrong, robust men, and those I have seen had a verygood appearance."[55] Speaking of the behavior oftroops, among whom Negroes under General Greene foughton this occasion, Lafayette said the following day,that the enemy repeated the attempt three times (triedto carry his position), and were as often repulsedwith great bravery.[56] One hundred and forty-fourof the soldiers thus engaged to roll back the linesof the enemy were, according to the Revolutionaryrecords, Negroes.[57] Doctor Harris, a Revolutionarysoldier, who took part in the Battle of Rhode Island,said of these Negroes: “Had they been unfaithfulor even given away before the enemy all would havebeen lost. Three times in succession they wereattacked with more desperate valor and fury by welldisciplined and veteran troops, and three times didthey successfully repel the assault and thus preservedour army from capture."[58] A detachment of thesetroops sacrificed themselves to the last man in defendingColonel Greene in 1781 when he was attacked at PointBridge, New York. A Negro slave of South Carolinarendered Governor Rutledge such valuable service thatby a special act of the legislature in 1783 his wifeand children were enfranchised.[59]

The valor of the Negro soldiers of the American Revolutionhas been highly praised by statesmen and historians.Writing to John Adams, a member of the ContinentalCongress, in 1775, to express his surprise at the prejudiceagainst the colored troops in the South, General Thomassaid: “We have some Negroes but I lookon them in general equally serviceable with other menfor fatigue, and in action many of them had provedthemselves brave.” Graydon in speakingof the Negro troops he saw in Glover’s regimentat Marblehead, Massachusetts, said: “Buteven in this regiment (a fine one) there were a numberof Negroes."[60] Referring to the battle of Monmouth,Bancroft said: “Nor may history omit torecord that, of the ’revolutionary patriots’who on that day perilled life for their country, morethan seven hundred black men fought side by side withthe white."[61] According to Lecky, “the Negroesproved excellent soldiers: in a hard fought battlethat secured the retreat of Sullivan they three timesdrove back a large body of Hessians."[62] We needno better evidence of the effective service of theNegro soldier than the manner in which the best peopleof Georgia honored Austin Dabney,[63] a mulatto boywho took a conspicuous part in many skirmishes withthe British and Tories in Georgia. While fightingunder Colonel Elijah Clarke he was severely woundedby a bullet which in passing through his thigh madehim a cripple for life. He received a pensionfrom the United States and was by an act of the legislatureof Georgia given a tract of land. He improvedhis opportunities, acquired other property, livedon terms of equality with some of his white neighbors,had the respect and confidence of high officials, anddied mourned by all.

W. B. HARTGROVE

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Bancroft, “History of the United States,”VIII, 110; MacMaster, “History of the UnitedStates.”

[2] See “Documents” in this number.

[3] The New York Gazette, Aug. 11, 1760.

[4] Supplement to the Boston Evening Post,May 23, 1763.

[5] Moore’s “Slavery in Mass.,”243; Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., VII, 336.

[6] Adams, “Works of John Adams,” X, 315;Moore, “Notes on Slavery in Mass.,” 71.Hamilton, Letter to Jay, March 14, 1779.

[7] Moore, “Historical Notes on the Employmentof Negroes in the American Revolution,” 4.

[8] Bancroft, “History of the United States,”VIII, 110.

[9] Washburn, “History of Leicester,”267.

[10] Washington, “The Story of the Negro,”I, 315.

[11] Manuscript, Massachusetts Archives, CLXXX, 241.

[12] Journals of the Continental Congress, 1775, pp.221, 263; 1776, pp. 60, 874; 1779, pp. 386, 418.

[13] Ford, “Washington’s Writings,”VIII, 371.

[14] Journal of the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts,553.

[15] Moore, “Historical Notes,” 5.

[16] Ibid., 6.

[17] Ibid., 6.

[18] Ibid., 7.

[19] Adam’s Works, II, 428.

[20] Life and Correspondence of Joseph Reed, I, 135.

[21] Not in Text

[22] Force, American Archives, I, 486. FifthSeries.

[23] “By his Excellency, Sir HENRY CLINTON,K.B., General and Commander-in-Chief of all His Majesty’sForces within the Colonies lying on the Atlantic Ocean,from Nova Scotia to West Florida, inclusive, etc.

“PROCLAMATION

“Whereas, The Enemy have adopteda practice of enrolling NEGROES among their troops:I do hereby give Notice, that all NEGROES taken inArms, or upon any military Duty shall be purchasedfor the public service at a stated price; theMoney to be paid to the Captors.

“But I do most strictly forbidany Person to sell or claim Right over any Negroe,the Property of a Rebel, who may take refuge with anypart of this Army: And I do promise to everyNegroe who shall desert the Rebel Standard fullSecurity to follow within these Lines any occupationwhich he may think proper.”

“Given under myHand at Head-Quarters, Philipsburgh, the 30th day of
June 1779.

H. CLINTON.

By his Excellency’sCommand, JOHN SMITH, Secretary.”

[24] The Journal of the Continental Congress, II,26.

[25] Ramsay, “The History of South Carolina”[Edition, 1809], I, 474-475.

[26] The Gazette of the State of South Carolina,Nov. 22, 1784.

[27] Moore, “Historical Notes,” 14.

[28] Sparks, “Washington’s Works,”III, 218.

[29] Ibid.

[30] Letter of General Thomas to John Adams, Oct.24, 1775.

[31] Moore, “Historical Notes,” 4.

[32] Hamilton’s “Works,” I, 76-78.

[33] Moore, “Historical Notes,” 13.

[34] Madison’s Papers, 68.

[35] Letter of Hamilton to Jay, March 14, 1779; andJournals of the Continental Congress.

[36] Hening, Statutes at Large, IX, 280.

[37] Ibid., XI, 308, 309.

[38] Rhode Island Colonial Records, VIII, 640, 641.

[39] Ibid., 358-360.

[40] Moore, “Historical Notes,” 19.

[41] Manuscripts in the Archives of Massachusetts,CXCIX, 80.

[42] Moore, “Historical Notes,” 20.

[43] Laws of the State of New York, Chapter XXXII,Fourth Session.

[44] Sparks, “Correspondence of the AmericanRevolution,” III, 331.

[45] Moore, “Historical Notes,” 20.

[46] Ibid., 21.

[47] Taking up the Southern situation, Hamilton in1779 wrote Jay as follows:

“Dear Sir: ColonelLaurens, who will have the honor of delivering youthis letter, is on his way to South Carolina, on aproject which I think, in the present situationof affairs there, is a very good one, and deservesevery kind of support and encouragement. Thisis, to raise two, three, or four battalions ofnegroes, with the assistance of the governmentof that State, by contributions from the owners, inproportion to the number they possess. Ifyou should think proper to enter upon the subjectwith him, he will give you a detail of his plan.He wishes to have it recommended by Congress to theState; and, as an inducement, that they wouldengage to take their battalions into Continentalpay.

“It appears to me, that an expedientof this kind, in the present state of Southernaffairs, is the most rational that can be adopted,and promises very important advantages. Indeed,I hardly see how a sufficient force can be collectedin that quarter without it: and the enemy’soperations there are growing infinitely serious andformidable. I have not the least doubt, thatthe negroes will make very excellent soldierswith proper management: and I will venture topronounce, that they cannot be put in better handsthan those of Mr. Laurens. He has all thezeal, intelligence, enterprise, and every otherqualification, requisite to succeed in such an undertaking.It is a maxim with some great military judges,that, with sensible officers, soldiers can hardlybe too stupid; and, on this principle, it isthought that the Russians would make the best soldiersin the world, if they were under other officersthan their own. The King of Prussia is amongthe number who maintain this doctrine, and has a veryemphatic saying on the occasion, which I do notexactly recollect. I mention this becauseI have frequently heard it objected to the schemeof embodying negroes, that they are too stupidto make soldiers. This is so far from appearingto me a valid objection, that I think their wantof cultivation (for their natural faculties are asgood as ours), joined to that habit of subordinationwhich they acquire from a life of servitude willenable them sooner to become soldiers than our whiteinhabitants. Let officers be men of senseand sentiment, and the nearer the soldiers approachto machines, perhaps the better.

“I foresee that this projectwill have to combat much opposition from prejudiceand self-interest. The contempt we have been taughtto entertain for the blacks, makes us fancy manythings that are founded neither in reason norexperience; and an unwillingness to part with propertyof so valuable a kind, will furnish a thousand argumentsto show the impracticability, or pernicious tendency,of a scheme which requires such sacrifices.But it should be considered, that if we do notmake use of them in this way, the enemy probably will;and that the best way to counteract the temptationsthey will hold out, will be to offer them ourselves.An essential part of the plan is, to give themtheir freedom with their swords. This will securetheir fidelity, animate their courage, and, Ibelieve, will have a good influence upon thosewho remain, by opening a door to their emancipation.

“This circumstance,I confess, has no small weight in inducing me to
wish the success ofthe project; for the dictates of humanity and true
policy equally interestme in favor of this unfortunate class of men.

“While I am on the subject ofSouthern affairs, you will excuse the libertyI take in saying, that I do not think measures sufficientlyvigorous are pursuing for our defence in thatquarter. Except the few regular troops ofSouth Carolina, we seem to be relying wholly on themilitia of that and two neighboring States.These will soon grow impatient of service andleave our affairs in a miserable situation. Noconsiderable force can be uniformly kept up by militia,to say nothing of the many obvious and well-knowninconveniences that attend this kind of troops.I would beg leave to suggest, sir, that no time oughtto be lost in making a draught of militia to servea twelve-month, from the States of North andSouth Carolina and Virginia. But South Carolina,being very weak in her population of whites,may be excused from the draught, on condition of furnishingthe black battalions. The two others mayfurnish about three thousand five hundred men,and be exempted, on that account, from sending anysuccor to this army. The States to the northwardof Virginia, will be fully able to give competentsupplies to the army here; and it will requireall the force and exertions of the three States I havementioned, to withstand the storm which has arisen,and is increasing in the South.

“The troops draughted, must bethrown into battalions, and officered in thebest possible manner. The best supernumerary officersmay be made use of as far as they will go.If arms are wanted for their troops, and no betterway of supplying them is to be found, we should endeavorto levy a contribution of arms upon the militia atlarge. Extraordinary exigencies demand extraordinarymeans. I fear this Southern business willbecome a very grave one.

“With the truestrespect and esteem, I am, sir, your most obedient
servant,

Alexander Hamilton.”

[48] The resolutions of Congress were as follows:

“Resolved,That it be recommended to the States of South Carolina
and Georgia, if theyshall think the same expedient, to take measures
immediately for raisingthree thousand able-bodied negroes.

“That the saidnegroes be formed into separate corps, as battalions,
according to the arrangementsadopted for the main army, to be
commanded by white commissionedand non-commissioned officers.

“That the commissionedofficers be appointed by the said States.

“That the non-commissioned officersmay, if the said States respectively shall thinkproper, be taken from among the non-commissionedofficers and soldiers of the continental battalionsof the said States respectively.

“That the Governors of the saidStates, together with the commanding officerof the Southern army, be empowered to incorporate theseveral continental battalions of their Stateswith each other respectively, agreeably to thearrangement of the army, as established by the resolutionsof May 27, 1778; and to appoint such of the supernumeraryofficers to command the said negroes, as shallchoose to go into that service.

“Resolved, That Congresswill make provision for paying the proprietorsof such Negroes as shall be enlisted for the serviceof the United States during the war, a full compensationfor the property, at a rate not exceeding onethousand dollars for each active, able-bodiednegro man of standard size, not exceeding thirty-fiveyears of age, who shall be so enlisted and pass muster.

“That no pay orbounty be allowed to the said negroes; but that they
be clothed and subsistedat the expense of the United States.

“That every negro,who shall well and faithfully serve as a soldier to
the end of the presentwar, and shall return his arms, be emancipated,
and receive the sumof fifty dollars.”

In connection with thisCongress passed also the following resolution:

“WHEREAS JohnLaurens, Esq., who has heretofore acted as aide-de-camp
to the commander-in-chief,is desirous of repairing to South Carolina,
with a design to assistin defence of the Southern States:

“Resolved,That a commission of lieutenant-colonel be grantedto the
said John Laurens, Esq.”

Journals of the ContinentalCongress, 1779, pp. 386, 418.

[49] Sparks, “Writings of Washington,”VIII, 322, 323.

[50] Ford, “Washington’s Writings,”VII, 371.

[51] Letter from the Adjutant General of the U.S.War Department.

[52] Schloezer’s “Briefwechsel,”IV, 365.

[52a] The Washington Manuscripts in the Library ofCongress.

[53] “The Spirit of ’76 in Rhode Island,”186-188.

[54] Sidney S. Rider, “An Historical Tract inthe Rhode Island Series,” No. 10.

[55] Marquis de Chastellux, “Travels,”I, 454.

[56] Moore, “Historical Notes,” 19.

[57] “The Spirit of Rhode Island in ’76,”186-188.

[58] Washington, “The Story of the Negro,”I, 311, Note.

[59] Moore, “Historical Notes,” 22.

[60] Ibid., 16.

[61] Bancroft, “History of the United States,”X, 133.

[62] Lecky, “American Revolution,” 364.

[63] Austin Dabney, a remarkable free man of color,died at Zebulon. His remains repose, we understand,near those of his friend Harris. The followingaccount of Dabney, as given by Governor Gilmer, maybe interesting:

In the beginning of the Revolutionaryconflict, a man by the name of Aycock removedto Wilkes County, having in his possession a mulattoboy, who passed for and was treated as his slave.The boy had been called Austin, to which thecaptain to whose company he was attached addedDabney.

Dabney proved himself a good soldier.In many a skirmish with the British and Tories,he acted a conspicuous part. He was with ColonelElijah Clarke in the battle of Kettle Creek, andwas severely wounded by a rifleball passing throughhis thigh, by which he was made a cripple forlife. He was unable to do further military duty,and was without means to procure due attentionto his wound, which threatened his life.In this suffering condition he was taken into the houseof a Mr. Harris, where he was kindly cared foruntil he recovered. He afterwards laboredfor Harris and his family more faithfully than anyslave could have been made to do.

After the close of the war, when prosperoustimes came, Austin Dabney acquired property.In the year 18—­, he removed to Madison County,carrying with him his benefactor and family.Here he became noted for his great fondness forhorses and the turf. He attended all the racesin the neighboring counties, and betted to theextent of his means. His courteous behaviorand good temper always secured him gentlemen backers.His means were aided by a pension which he receivedfrom the United States.

In the distribution of the public landsby lottery among the people of Georgia, the Legislaturegave to Dabney a lot of land in the county ofWalton. The Hon. Mr. Upson, then a representativefrom Oglethorpe, was the member who moved thepassage of the law, giving him the lot of land.

At the election for members of theLegislature the year after, the County of Madisonwas distracted by the animosity and strife of an AustinDabney and an Anti-Austin Dabney party. Many ofthe people were highly incensed that a mulattonegro should receive a gift of the land whichbelonged to the freemen of Georgia. Dabney soonafter removed to the land given him by the State,and carried with him the family of Harris, andcontinued to labor for them, and appropriatedwhatever he made for their support, except what wasnecessary for his coarse clothing and food.Upon his death, he left them all his property.The eldest son of his benefactor he sent to FranklinCollege, and afterwards supported him whilst he studiedlaw with Mr. Upson, in Lexington. When Harriswas undergoing his examination, Austin was standingoutside of the bar, exhibiting great anxietyin his countenance; and when his young protege wassworn in, he burst into a flood of tears.He understood his situation very well, and neverwas guilty of impertinence. He was one of thebest chroniclers of the events of the RevolutionaryWar, in Georgia. Judge Dooly thought muchof him, for he had served under his father, ColonelDooly. It was Dabney’s custom to beat the public house in Madison, where the judgestopped during court, and he took much pains in seeinghis horse well attended to. He frequently cameinto the room where the judges and lawyers wereassembled on the evening before the court, andseated himself upon a stool or some low place, wherehe would commence a parley with any one who choseto talk with him.

He drew his pension in Savannah wherehe went once a year for this purpose. Onone occasion he went to Savannah in company with hisneighbor, Colonel Wyley Pope. They traveledtogether on the most familiar terms until theyarrived in the streets of the town. Then theColonel observed to Austin that he was a man of sense,and knew that it was not suitable to be seenriding side by side with a colored man throughthe streets of Savannah; to which Austin replied thathe understood that matter very well. Accordinglywhen they came to the principal street, Austinchecked his horse and fell behind. Theyhad not gone very far before Colonel Pope passed thehouse of General James Jackson who was then governorof the state. Upon looking back he saw thegovernor run out of the house, seize Austin’shand, shake it as if he had been his long absentbrother, draw him from his horse, and carry himinto his house, where he stayed whilst in town.Colonel Pope used to tell this anecdote with much glee,adding that he felt chagrined when he ascertainedthat whilst he passed his time at a tavern, unknownand uncared for, Austin was the honored guestof the governor.

White’s “HistoricalCollections,” 584.

FREEDOM AND SLAVERY IN APPALACHIAN AMERICA

To understand the problem of harmonizing freedom andslavery in Appalachian America we must keep in mindtwo different stocks coming in some cases from thesame mother country and subject here to the same government.Why they differed so widely was due to their peculiarideals formed prior to their emigration from Europeand to their environment in the New World. Tothe tidewater came a class whose character and purposes,although not altogether alike, easily enabled themto develop into an aristocratic class. All ofthem were trying to lighten the burdens of life.In this section favored with fertile soil, mild climate,navigable streams and good harbors facilitating directtrade with Europe, the conservative, easy-going, wealth-seeking,exploiting adventurers finally fell back on the institutionof slavery which furnished the basis for a large plantationsystem of seeming principalities. In the courseof time too there arose in the few towns of the coasta number of prosperous business men whose bearing wasequally as aristocratic as that of the masters of plantations.[1]These elements constituted the rustic nobility whichlorded it over the unfortunate settlers whom the plantationsystem forced to go into the interior to take up land.Eliminating thus an enterprising middle class, thecolonists tended to become more aristocratic near theshore.

In this congenial atmosphere the eastern people werecontent to dwell. the East had the West in mind andsaid much about its inexhaustible resources, but withthe exception of obtaining there grants of land nothingdefinite toward the conquest of this section was donebecause of the handicap of slavery which precludedthe possibility of a rapid expansion of the plantationgroup in the slave States. Separated thus by highranges of mountains which prevented the unificationof the interests of the sections, the West was leftfor conquest by a hardy race of European dissenterswho were capable of a more rapid growth.[2] these werethe Germans and Scotch-Irish with a sprinkling ofHuguenots, Quakers and poor whites who had servedtheir time as indentured servants in the east.[3] Theunsettled condition of Europe during its devastatingwars of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries causedmany of foreign stocks to seek homes in America wherethey hoped to realize political liberty and religiousfreedom. Many of these Germans first settledin the mountainous district of Pennsylvania and Marylandand then migrated later to the lower part of the ShenandoahValley, while the Scotch-Irish took possession of theupper part of that section. Thereafter the ShenandoahValley became a thoroughfare for a continuous movementof these immigrants toward the south into the uplandsand mountains of the Carolinas, Georgia, Kentucky,and Tennessee.[4]

Among the Germans were Mennonites, Lutherans, andMoravians, all of whom believed in individual freedom,the divine right of secular power, and personal responsibility.[5]The strongest stock among these immigrants, however,were the Scotch-Irish, “a God-fearing, Sabbath-keeping,covenant-adhering, liberty-loving, and tyrant-hatingrace,” which had formed its ideals under theinfluence of philosophy of John Calvin, John Knox,Andrew Melville, and George Buchanan. By thesethinkers they had been taught to emphasize equality,freedom of conscience, and political liberty.These stocks differed somewhat from each other, butthey were equally attached to practical religion,homely virtues, and democratic institutions.[7] Beinga kind and beneficent class with a tenacity for thehabits and customs of their fathers, they proved tobe a valuable contribution to the American stock.As they had no riches every man was to be just whathe could make himself. Equality and brotherlylove became their dominant traits. Common feelingand similarity of ideals made them one people whosechief characteristic was individualism.[8] Differingthus so widely from the easterners they were regardedby the aristocrats as “Men of new blood”and “Wild Irish,” who formed a barrierover which “none ventured to leap and wouldventure to settle among."[9] No aristocrat figuringconspicuously in the society of the East, where slaverymade men socially unequal, could feel comfortableon the frontier, where freedom from competition withsuch labor prevented the development of caste.

The natural endowment of the West was so differentfrom that of the East that the former did not attractthe people who settled in the Tidewater. Themountaineers were in the midst of natural meadows,steep hills, narrow valleys of hilly soil, and inexhaustibleforests. In the East tobacco and corn were thestaple commodities. Cattle and hog raising becameprofitable west of the mountains, while various otheremployments which did not require so much vacant landwere more popular near the sea. Besides, whenthe dwellers near the coast sought the cheap laborwhich the slave furnished the mountaineers encouragedthe influx of freemen. It is not strange thenthat we have no record of an early flourishing slaveplantation beyond the mountains. Kercheval givesan account of a settlement by slaves and overseerson the large Carter grant situated on the west sideof the Shenandoah, but it seems that the settlementdid not prosper as such, for it soon passed into thehands of the Burwells and the Pages.[10]

The rise of slavery in the Tidewater section, however,established the going of those settlers in the directionof government for the people. The East beganwith indentured servants but soon found the systemof slavery more profitable. It was not long beforethe blacks constituted the masses of the laboringpopulation,[11] while on the expiration of their termof service the indentured servants went west and helpedto democratize the frontier. Caste too was securedby the peculiar land tenure of the East. Theking and the proprietors granted land for small sumson feudal terms. The grantees in their turn settledthese holdings in fee tail on the oldest son in accordancewith the law of primogeniture. This produced aclass described by Jefferson who said: “Therewere then aristocrats, half-breeds, pretenders, asolid independent yeomanry, looking askance at thoseabove, yet not venturing to jostle them, and lastand lowest, a seculum of beings called overseers,the most abject, degraded and unprincipled race, alwayscap in hand to the Dons who employed them for furnishingmaterial for the exercise of their price."[12]

In the course of colonial development the people ofthe mountains were usually referred to as frontiersmendwelling in the West. This “West”was for a number of years known as the region beyondthe Blue Ridge Mountains and later beyond the Alleghenies.A more satisfactory dividing line, however, is thehistorical line of demarcation between the East andWest which moved toward the mountains in the proportionthat the western section became connected with theEast and indoctrinated by its proslavery propagandists.In none of these parts, however, not even far south,were the eastern people able to bring the frontiersmenaltogether around to their way of thinking. Theirideals and environment caused them to have differingopinions as to the extent, character, and foundationsof local self-government, differing conceptions of

the meaning of representative institutions, differingideas of the magnitude of governmental power overthe individual, and differing theories of the relationsof church and State. The East having acceptedcaste as the basis of its society naturally adoptedthe policy of government by a favorite minority, theWest inclined more and more toward democracy.The latter considered representatives only those whohad been elected as such by a majority of the peopleof the district in which they lived; the former believedin a more restricted electorate, and the representationof districts and interests, rather than that of numbers.[13]Furthermore, almost from the founding of the coloniesthere was court party consisting of the rich plantersand favorites composing the coterie of royal officialsgenerally opposed by a country party of men who, eitherdenied certain privileges or unaccustomed to participationin the affairs of privileged classes, felt that theinterests of the lowly were different. As thefrontier moved westward the line of cleavage tendedto become identical with that between the privilegedclasses and the small farmers, between the lowlandersand the uplanders, between capital and labor, andfinally between the East and West.

The frontiersmen did not long delay in translatingsome of their political theories into action.The aristocratic East could not do things to suitthe mountaineers who were struggling to get the governmentnearer to them. At times, therefore, their endeavorsto abolish government for the people resulted in violentfrontier uprisings like that of Bacon’s Rebellionin Virginia and the War of Regulation in North Carolina.In all of these cases the cause was practically thesame. These pioneers had observed with jealouseye the policy which bestowed all political honorson the descendants of a few wealthy families livingupon the tide or along the banks of the larger streams.They were, therefore, inclined to advance with quickpace toward revolution.[14] On finding such leadersas James Otis, Patrick Henry and Thomas Jefferson,the frontiersmen instituted such a movement in behalfof freedom that it resulted in the Revolutionary War.[15]These patriots’ advocacy of freedom, too, wasnot half-hearted. When they demanded libertyfor the colonists they spoke also for the slaves,so emphasizing the necessity for abolition that observersfrom afar thought that the institution would of itselfsoon pass away.[16]

In the reorganization of the governments necessitatedby the overthrow of the British, however, the frontiersmenwere unfortunate in that they lacked constructiveleadership adequate to having their ideas incorporatedinto the new constitutions. Availing themselvesof their opportunity, the aristocrats of the coastfortified themselves in their advantageous positionby establishing State governments based on the representationof interests, the restriction of suffrage, and theineligibility of the poor to office.[17] Moreover,

efforts were made even to continue in a differentform the Established Church against which the dissentingfrontiersmen had fought for more than a century.In the other Atlantic States where such distinctionswere not made in framing their constitutions, theconservatives resorted to other schemes to keep thepower in the hands of the rich planters near the sea.When the Appalachian Americans awoke to the situationthen they were against a stone wall. The so-calledrights of man were subjected to restrictions whichin our day could not exist. The right to holdoffice and to vote were not dependent upon manhoodqualifications but on a white skin, religious opinions,the payment of taxes, and wealth. In South Carolinaa person desiring to vote must believe in the existenceof a God, in a future state of reward and punishment,and have a freehold of fifty acres of land. InVirginia the right of suffrage was restricted to freeholderspossessing one hundred acres of land. Senatorsin North Carolina had to own three hundred acres ofland; representatives in South Carolina were requiredto have a 500 acre freehold and 10 Negroes; and inGeorgia 250 acres and support the Protestant religion.[18]In all of these slave States, suffering from suchunpopular government, the mountaineers developed intoa reform party persistently demanding that the senseof the people be taken on the question of callingtogether their representatives to remove certain defectsfrom the constitutions. It was the contest betweenthe aristocrats and the progressive westerner.The aristocrats’ idea of government was developedfrom the “English Scion—­the libertyof kings, lords, and commons, with different gradesof society acting independently of all foreign powers.”The ideals of the westerners were principally thoseof the Scotch-Irish, working for “civil libertyin fee simple, and an open road to civil honors, securedto the poorest and feeblest members of society."[19]

The eastern planters, of course, regarded this asan attack on their system and fearlessly denouncedthese rebellious wild men of the hills. In takingthis position, these conservatives brought down upontheir heads all of the ire that the frontiersmen hadfelt for the British prior to the American Revolution.The easterners were regarded in the mountains as aparty bent upon establishing in this country a regimeequally as oppressive as the British government.The frontiersmen saw in slavery the cause of the wholetrouble. They, therefore, hated the institutionand endeavored more than ever to keep their sectionopen to free labor. They hated the slave as such,not as a man. On the early southern frontier therewas more prejudice against the slaveholder than againstthe Negro.[20] There was the feeling that this wasnot a country for a laboring class so undeveloped asthe African slaves, then being brought to these shoresto serve as a basis for a government differing radicallyfrom that in quest of which the frontiersmen had lefttheir homes in Europe.

This struggle reached its climax in different Statesat various periods. In Maryland the contest differedsomewhat from that of other Southern States becauseof the contiguity of that commonwealth with Pennsylvania,which early set such examples of abolition and democraticgovernment that a slave State near by could not goso far in fortifying an aristocratic governing class.In Virginia the situation was much more critical thanelsewhere. Unlike the other Atlantic States, whichwisely provided roads and canals to unify the diverseinterests of the sections, that commonwealth leftthe trans-Alleghany district to continue in its ownway as a center of insurgency from which war was wagedagainst the established order of things.[21] In mostStates, however, the contest was decided by the inventionof the cotton gin and other mechanical appliances which,in effecting an industrial revolution throughout theworld, gave rise to the plantation system found profitableto supply the increasing demand for cotton. Inthe course of the subsequent expansion of slavery,many of the uplanders and mountaineers were graduallywon to the support of that institution. Realizinggradually a community of interests with the easternplanters, their ill-feeling against them tended todiminish. Abolition societies which had onceflourished among the whites of the uplands tendedto decline and by 1840 there were practically no abolitionistsin the South living east of the Appalachian Mountains.[22]

Virginia, which showed signs of discord longer thanthe other Atlantic States, furnishes us a good exampleof how it worked out. The reform party of theWest finally forced the call of a convention in 1829,hoping in vain to crush the aristocracy. Defeatedin this first battle with the conservatives, theysecured the call of the Reform Convention in 1850 onlyto find that two thirds of the State had become permanentlyattached to the cause of maintaining slavery.[23]Samuel McDowell Moore, of Rockbridge County in theValley, said in the Convention of 1829-30 that slavesshould be free to enjoy their natural rights,[24]but a generation later the people of that sectionwould not have justified such an utterance in behalfof freedom. The uplanders of South Carolina wereearly satisfied with such changes as were made inthe apportionment of representation in 1808, and inthe qualifications of voters in 1810.[25] ThereafterCalhoun’s party, proceeding on the theory ofgovernment by a concurrent majority, vanquished whatfew liberal-minded men remained, and then proceededto force their policy on the whole country.

In the Appalachian Mountains, however, the settlerswere loath to follow the fortunes of the ardent pro-slaveryelement. Actual abolition was never popular inwestern Virginia, but the love of the people of thatsection for freedom kept them estranged from the slaveholdingdistricts of the State, which by 1850 had completelycommitted themselves to the pro-slavery propaganda.In the Convention of 1829-30 Upshur said there existedin a great portion of the West (of Virginia) a rootedantipathy to the slave.[26] John Randolph was alarmedat the fanatical spirit on the subject of slavery,which was growing up in Virginia. Some of thissentiment continued in the mountains. The highlanders,therefore, found themselves involved in a continuousembroglio because they were not moved by reactionaryinfluences which were unifying the South for its boldeffort to make slavery a national institution.[27]

The indoctrination of the backwoodsmen of North Carolinain the tenets of slavery was effected without muchdifficulty because of less impediment in the naturalbarriers, but a small proportion of the inhabitantsof the State residing in the mountainous districtscontinued anti-slavery. There was an unusuallystrong anti-slavery element in Davie, Davidson, Granvilleand Guilford counties. The efforts of this liberalgroup, too, were not long in taking organized form.While there were several local organizations operatingin various parts, the efforts of the anti-slavery peoplecentered around the North Carolina Manumission Society.It had over forty branches at one time, besides severalassociations of women, all extending into seven oreight of the most populous counties of the State.This society denounced the importation and exportationof slaves, and favored providing for manumissions,legalizing slave contracts for the purchase of freedom,and enacting a law that at a certain age all personsshould be born free.[28] That these reformers hadconsiderable influence is evidenced by the fact thatin 1826 a member of the manumission society was electedto the State Senate. In 1824 and 1826 two thousandslaves were freed in North Carolina.[29] Among thedistinguished men who at times supported this movementin various ways were Hinton Rowan Helper, BenjaminS. Hedrick, Daniel R. Goodloe, Eli W. Caruthers, andLunsford Lane, a colored orator and lecturer of considerableability.[30] They constituted a hopeless minority,however, for the liberal element saw their hopes completelyblasted in the triumph of the slave party in the Conventionof 1835, which made everything subservient to theinstitution of slavery.

In the mountains of Kentucky and Tennessee conditionswere a little more encouraging, especially between1817 and 1830. The anti-slavery work in Kentuckyseemed to owe its beginning to certain “EmancipatingBaptists.” Early in the history of thatState six Baptist preachers, Carter Tarrant, DavidDarrow, John Sutton, Donald Holmes, Jacob Gregg, andGeorge Smith, began an anti-slavery campaign, maintainingthat there should be no fellowship with slaveholders.[31]They were unable to effect much, however, becauseof the fact that they had no extensive organizationthrough which to extend their efforts. Everychurch remained free to decide for itself and evenin Northern States the Baptists later winked at slavery.More effective than these efforts of the Baptists wasthe work of the Scotch-Irish. Led by David Rice,a minister of the Presbyterian Church, the anti-slaveryelement tried to exclude slavery from the State whenframing its first constitution in the Convention of1792.[32] Another effort thus to amend the fundamentallaw was made at the session of the legislature of1797-98, and had it not been for the excitement arousedby the Alien and Sedition Laws, the bill probablywould have passed.[33]

Many successful efforts were made through the anti-slaverybodies. The society known as “Friends ofHumanity” was organized in Kentucky in 1807.It had a constitution signed by eleven preachers andthirteen laymen. The organization was in existenceas late as 1813. The records of the abolitionistsshow that there was another such society near Frankfortbetween 1809 and 1823.[34] Birney then appeared inthe State and gave his influence to the cause witha view to promoting the exportation of Negroes toLiberia.[35] A number of citizens also memorializedCongress to colonize the Negroes on the public landsin the West.[36] In the later twenties an effort wasmade to unite the endeavors of many wealthy and influentialpersons who were then interested in promoting abolition.Lacking a vigorous and forceful leader, they appealedto Henry Clay, who refused.[37] They fought on, however,for years to come. A contributor to the WesternLuminary said, in 1830, that the people of Kentuckywere finding slavery a burden.[38] Evidently a goodmany of them had come to this conclusion, for a billproviding for emancipation introduced in the Legislaturewas postponed indefinitely by a vote of 18 to 11.[39]So favorable were conditions in Kentucky at this timethat it was said that Tennessee was watching Kentuckywith the expectation of following her lead should thelatter become a free State as was then expected.

The main factor in promoting the work in Tennesseewas, as in Kentucky, the Scotch-Irish Presbyterianstock. They opposed slavery in word and in deed,purchasing and setting free a number of colored men.Among these liberal westerners was organized the “ManumissionSociety of Tennessee,” represented for yearsin the American Convention of Abolition Societies byBenjamin Lundy.[40] The Tennessee organization oncehad twenty branches and a membership of six hundred.[41]Among its promoters were Charles Osborn, Elihu Swain,John Underhill, Jesse Willis, John Cannady, John Swain,David Maulsby, John Rankin, Jesse Lockhart, and JohnMorgan.[42] They advocated at first immediate andunconditional emancipation, but soon seeing that therealization of this policy was impossible, they recededfrom this advanced position and memorialized theirrepresentatives to provide for gradual emancipation,the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia,the prevention of the separation of families, theprohibition of the interstate slave trade, the restrictionof slavery, the general improvement of colored peoplethrough church and school, and especially the establishmentamong them of the right of marriage.[43] To procurethe abolition of slavery by argument, other personsof this section organized another body, known as the“Moral Religious Manumission Society of WestTennessee."[44] It once had a large membership andtended to increase and spread the agitation in behalfof abolition.

In view of these favorable tendencies, it was thoughtup to 1830 that Tennessee, following the lead of Kentucky,would become a free State.[45] But just as the expansionof slavery into the interior of the Atlantic Statesattached those districts to the fortunes of the slaveholdingclass, it happened in some cases in the mountainswhich to some extent became indoctrinated by the teachingof the defenders of slavery. Then the ardentslavery debate in Congress and the bold agitation,like that of the immediatists led by William LloydGarrison, alienated the support which some mountaineershad willingly given the cause. Abolition in theseStates, therefore, began to weaken and rapidly declinedduring the thirties.[46] Because of a heterogeneousmembership, these organizations tended to developinto other societies representing differing ideas ofanti-slavery factions which had at times made it impossiblefor them to cooperate effectively in carrying outany plan. The slaveholders who had been membersformed branches of the American Colonization Society,while the radical element fell back upon organizingbranches of the Underground Railroad to cooperatewith those of their number who, seeing that it wasimpossible to attain their end in the Southern mountains,had moved into the Northwest Territory to colonizethe freedmen and aid the escape of slaves.[47] Amongthese workers who had thus changed their base of operationwere not only such noted men as Joshua Coffin, Benjamin

Lundy, and James G. Birney, but less distinguishedworkers like John Rankin, of Ripley; James Gilliland,of Red Oak; Jesse Lockhart, of Russellville; RobertDobbins, of Sardinia; Samuel Crothers, of Greenfield;Hugh L. Fullerton, of Chillicothe, and William Dickey,of Ross or Fayette County, Ohio. There were othersouthern abolitionists who settled and establishedstations of the Underground Railroad In Bond, Putnam,and Bureau Counties, Illinois.[48] The UndergroundRailroad was thus enabled to extend into the heartof the South by way of the Cumberland Mountains.Over this Ohio and Kentucky route, culminating chieflyin Cleveland, Sandusky, and Detroit, more fugitivesfound their way to freedom than through any otheravenue.[49] The limestone caves were of much assistanceto them. The operation of the system extendedthrough Tennessee into northern Georgia and Alabama,following the Appalachian highland as it juts likea peninsula into the South. Dillingham, JohnBrown, and Harriet Tubman used these routes.

Let us consider, then, the attitude of these mountaineerstoward slaves. All of them were not abolitionists.Some slavery existed among them. The attack onthe institution, then, in these parts was not altogetheropposition to an institution foreign to the mountaineers.The frontiersmen hated slavery, hated the slave assuch, but, as we have observed above, hated the easternplanter worse than they hated the slave. As therewas a scarcity of slaves in that country they generallydwelt at home with their masters. Slavery amongthese liberal people, therefore, continued patriarchaland so desirous were they that the institution shouldremain such that they favored the admission of theState of Missouri as a slave State,[50] not to promoteslavery but to expand it that each master, havinga smaller number of Negroes, might keep them in closeand helpful contact. Consistently with this policymany of the frontier Baptists, Scotch-Irish and Methodistscontinued to emphasize the education of the blacksas the correlative of emancipation. They urgedthe masters to give their servants all proper advantagesfor acquiring knowledge of their duty both to man andto God. In large towns slaves were permitted toacquire the rudiments of education and in some ofthem free persons of color had well-regulated schools.[51]

Two noteworthy efforts to educate Negroes were putforth in these parts. A number of persons unitedin 1825 to found an institution for the educationof eight or ten Negro slaves with their families, tobe operated under the direction of the “EmancipatingLabor Society of the State of Kentucky.”About the same time Frances Wright was endeavoringto establish an institution on the same order to improvethe free blacks and mulattoes in West Tennessee.It seems that this movement had the support of a goodlynumber of persons, including George Fowler, and, itwas said, Lafayette, who had always been regarded

as a friend of emancipation. According to a letterfrom a clergyman of South Carolina, the first slavefor this institution went from the York district ofthat State. Exactly what these enterprises were,however, it is difficult to determine. They werenot well supported and soon passed from public notice.Some have said that the Tennessee project was a money-makingscheme for the proprietors, and that the Negroes taughtthere were in reality slaves. Others have defendedthe work as a philanthropic effort so characteristicof the friends of freedom in Appalachian America.[52]

The people of Eastern Tennessee were largely in favorof Negro education. Around Maryville and Knoxvillewere found a considerable number of white personswho were thus interested in the uplift of the belatedrace. Well might such efforts be expected inMaryville, for the school of theology at this placehad gradually become so radical that according to theMaryville Intelligencer half of the studentsby 1841 declared their adherence to the cause of abolition.[53]Consequently, they hoped not only to see such doctrinestriumph within the walls of that institution, but wereendeavoring to enlighten the Negroes of that communityto prepare them for the enjoyment of life as citizensin their own or some other country.[54]

Just as the people of Maryville had expressed themselvesthrough The Intelligencer, so did those ofKnoxville find a spokesman in The PresbyterianWitness. Excoriating those who had for centuriesbeen finding excuses for keeping the slaves in heathenism,the editor of this publication said that there wasnot a solitary argument that might be urged in favorof teaching a white man that might not be as properlyurged in favor of enlightening a man of color.“If one has a soul that will never die,”said he, “so has the other. Has one susceptibilitiesof improvement, mentally, socially, and morally?So has the other. Is one bound by the laws ofGod to improve the talents he has received from theCreator’s hands? So is the other.Is one embraced in the commands search the scriptures?So is the other."[55] He maintained that unless masterscould lawfully degrade their slaves to the conditionof beasts, they were just as much bound to teach themto read the Bible as to teach any other class of theirpopulation.

From a group in Kentucky came another helpful movement.Desiring to train up white men who would eventuallybe able to do a work which public sentiment then preventedthe anti-slavery minority from carrying on, the liberalelement of Kentucky, under the leadership of John G.Fee and his coworkers, established Berea College.Believing in the brotherhood of man and the fatherhoodof God, this institution incorporated into its charterthe bold declaration that “God hath made of oneblood all nations that dwell upon the face of theearth.” This profession was not really putto a test until after the Civil War, when the institutioncourageously met the issue by accepting as studentssome colored soldiers who were returning home wearingtheir uniforms.[56] The State has since prohibitedthe co-education of the races.

With so many sympathizers with the oppressed in theback country, the South had much difficulty in holdingthe mountaineers in line to force upon the whole nationtheir policies, mainly determined by their desire forthe continuation of slavery. Many of the mountaineersaccordingly deserted the South in its opposition tothe tariff and internal improvements, and when thatsection saw that it had failed in economic competitionwith the North, and realized that it had to leavethe Union soon or never, the mountaineers who hadbecome commercially attached to the North and Westboldly adhered to these sections to maintain the Union.The highlanders of North Carolina were finally reducedto secession with great difficulty; Eastern Tennesseehad to yield, but kept the State almost divided betweenthe two causes; timely dominated by Unionists withthe support of troops, Kentucky stood firm; and tocontinue attached to the Federal Government forty-eightwestern counties of Virginia severed their connectionwith the essentially slaveholding district and formedthe loyal State of West Virginia.

In the mountainous region the public mind has beenlargely that of people who have developed on freesoil. They have always differed from the dwellersin the district near the sea not only in their attitudetoward slavery but in the policy they have followedin dealing with the blacks since the Civil War.One can observe even to-day such a difference in theatmosphere of the two sections, that in passing fromthe tidewater to the mountains it seems like goingfrom one country into another. There is stillin the back country, of course, much of that lawlessnesswhich shames the South, but crime in that sectionis not peculiarly the persecution of the Negro.Almost any one considered undesirable is dealt withunceremoniously. In Appalachian America the racesstill maintain a sort of social contact. Whiteand black men work side by side, visit each other intheir homes, and often attend the same church to listenwith delight to the Word spoken by either a coloredor white preacher.

C. G. WOODSON

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Wertenbaker, “Patrician and Plebeian inVirginia,” 31.

[2] Exactly how many of each race settled in the Appalachianregion we cannot tell, but we know that they camein large numbers, after the year 1735. A fewimportant facts and names may give some idea as tothe extent of this immigration. The ShenandoahValley attracted many. Most prominent among thosewho were instrumental in settling the Valley was theScotchman, John Lewis, the ancestor of so many familiesof the mountains. The Dutchmen, John and IsaacVan Meter, were among the first to buy land from JoistHite, probably the first settler in the Valley.Among other adventurers of this frontier were BenjaminAllen, Riley Moore, and William White, of Maryland,

who settled in the Shenandoah in 1734; Robert Harperand others who, in the same year, settled Richard Morgan’sgrant near Harper’s Ferry; and Howard, Walker,and Rutledge, who took up land on what became theFairfax Manor on the South Branch. In 1738 someQuakers came from Pennsylvania to occupy the RossSurvey of 40,000 acres near Winchester Farm in whatis now Frederick County, Virginia. In the followingyear John and James Lindsay reached Long Marsh, andIsaac Larne of New Jersey the same district aboutthe same time; while Joseph Carter of Bucks County,Pennsylvania, built his cabin on the Opequon near Winchesterin 1743, and Joseph Hampton with his two sons camefrom Maryland to Buck Marsh near Berryville.But it is a more important fact that Burden, a Scotch-Irishman,obtained a large grant of land and settled it withhundreds of his race during the period from 1736 to1743, and employed an agent to continue the work.With Burden came the McDowells, Alexanders, Campbells,McClungs, McCampbells, McCowans, and McKees, Prestons,Browns, Wallaces, Wilsons, McCues, and Caruthers.They settled the upper waters of the Shenandoah andthe James, while the Germans had by this time wellcovered the territory between what is known as Harrisonburgand the present site of Harper’s Ferry.See Maury, “Physical Survey,” 42; VirginiaMagazine, IX, 337-352; Washington’s Journal,47-48; Wayland, “German Element of the Shenandoah,”110.

[3] Wayland, “German Element of the Shenandoah,”28-30; Virginia Historical Register, III, 10.

[4] See Meade, “Old Families of Virginia,”The Transalleghany Historical Magazine, I andII; De Hass, “The Settlement of Western Virginia,”71, 75; Kercheval, “History of the Valley,”61-71; Faust, “The German Element in the UnitedStates.”

[5] Dunning, “The History of Political Theoryfrom Luther to Montesquieu,” 9,10.

[6] Not in Text

[7] Buchanan, the most literary of these reformers,insisted that society originates in the effort ofmen to escape from the primordial state of nature,that in a society thus formed the essential to well-beingis justice, that justice is maintained by laws ratherthan by kings, that the maker of the laws is the people,and that the interpreter of the laws is not the king,but the body of judges chosen by the people. Hereduced the power of the ruler to the minimum, theonly power assigned to him being to maintain the moralsof the state by making his life a model of virtuousliving. The reformer claimed, too, that when theruler exceeds his power he becomes a tyrant, and thatpeople are justified in rejecting the doctrine ofpassive obedience and slaying him. See Buchanan,“De Jure Apud Scotos” (Aberdeen, 1762);Dunning, “History of Political Theories fromLuther to Montesquieu”; and P. Hume Brown, “Biographyof John Knox.”

[8] Just how much the racial characteristics had todo with making this
wilderness a centerof democracy, it is difficult to estimate. Some
would contend that althoughthe Western people were of races different
from this aristocraticelement of the East, their own history shows
that this had littleto do with the estrangement of the West from the
East, and that the factthat many persons of these same stocks who
settled in the Eastbecame identified with the interests of that
section is sufficientevidence to prove what an insignificant factor
racial characteristicsare. But although environment proves itself
here to be the importantfactor in the development of these people
and we are compelledto concede that the frontier made the Western
man an advocate of republicanprinciples, heredity must not be
ignored altogether.

Exactly how much influence the Scotch-Irishhad in shaping the destiny of Appalachian Americais another much mooted question with which we areconcerned here because historians give almost all thecredit to this race. Even an authority likeJustin Winsor leaves the impression that Virginiacared little for the frontier, and that all honor isdue to the Scotch-Irish. Their influencein shaping the destiny of other States has beenequally emphasized. The facts collected by Hannadoubtless give much support to the claims of thatpeople to the honor for the development of AppalachianAmerica. His conclusions, however, are ratherfar-sweeping and often shade into imagination.On the other hand, a good argument may be madeto prove that other people, such as the Germansand Dutch, deserve equal honor. Furthermore, fewof the eulogists of the Scotch-Irish take intoaccount the number of indentured servants andpoor whites who moved westward with the frontier.Besides, it must not be thought that the East neglectedthe frontier intentionally simply because theTidewater people could not early subdue the wilderness.They did much to develop it. The records ofthe time of the Indian troubles beginning in 1793 showthat the State governments answered the callfor troops and ammunition as promptly as theycould, and their statute books show numerous lawswhich were enacted in the interest of the Westduring these troubles. The truth of thematter is that, whatever might have been the desireof the East to conquer the wilderness, the sectionalizinginstitution of slavery which the colony had acceptedas the basis of its society rendered the accomplishmentof such an object impossible. There was toogreat diversity of interest in that region.

[9] Jefferson’s Works, VI, 484.

[10] Kercheval, “History of the Valley,”47 and 48.

[11] It soon became evident that it was better toinvest in slaves who had much more difficulty thanthe indentured servants in escaping and passing asfreemen.

[12] Jefferson’s Works, VI, 484.

[13] This statement is based on the provisions ofthe first State constitutions. See Thorpe’s“Charters and Constitutions.”

[14] Grigsby, “Convention of 1788,” 15,49.

[15] The people living near the coast desired reformunder British rule. The frontiersmen had to winthem to the movement. A certain Scotch-Irishelement in the Carolinas was an exception to this rulein that they at first supported the British.

[16] The letters and speeches of most of the Revolutionaryleaders show that they favored some kind of abolition.Among the most outspoken were James Otis, John Adams,Alexander Hamilton, Thomas Jefferson, and John Laurens.See also Schoepf, “Travels in the Confederation,”149; and Brissot de Warville, “New Travels,”I, 220.

[17] See the various State constitutions in Thorpe’s“Charters and Constitutions.”

[18] Ibid.

[19] Foote, “Sketches of Virginia,” 85.

[20] Hart, “Slavery and Abolition,” 73;Olmsted, “The Back Country,” 230-232.Berea Quarterly, IX, No. 3.

[21] See the Speeches of the Western members of theVirginia Convention of 1829-30, Proceedings and Debatesof the Convention of 1829-30.

[22] This is proved by the reports and records ofthe anti-slavery societies and especially by thoseof the American Convention of Abolition Societies.During the thirties and forties the southern societiesceased to make reports. See Adams, “A NeglectedPeriod of Anti-Slavery,” 117.

[23] The vote on the aristocratic constitution framedin 1829-30 shows this. See Proceedings and Debatesof the Convention of 1829-30, p. 903.

[24] Proceedings and Debates of the Convention of1829-30, p. 226.

[25] Thorpe, “Charters and Constitutions, SouthCarolina.”

[26] Proceedings and Debates of the Convention of1829-30, pp. 53, 76, 442, 858.

[27] See Calhoun’s Works: “A Disquisitionon Government,” p. 1 et seq.

[28] Adams, “Neglected Period of Anti-Slavery,”138.

[29] Ibid., 34.

[30] Bassett, “Anti-Slavery Leaders of NorthCarolina,” 72.

[31] Adams, “Anti-Slavery, etc.,”100-101.

[32] Speech of David Rice in the Constitutional Conventionof Kentucky, 1792.

[33] Birney, “James G. Birney,” 96-100.

[34] Reports of the American Convention of AbolitionSocieties, 1809 and 1823.

[35] Birney, “James G. Birney,” 70.

[36] Adams, “The Neglected Period of Anti-Slaveryin America,” 129-130. Annals of Congress,17th Congress, 1st ses., 2d ses., 18th Cong., 1st ses.

[37] Ibid., 20.

[38] “The Genius of Universal Emancipation,”11. 35.

[39] Ibid., 10. 145.

[40] See Proceedings of the American Convention ofAbolition Societies.

[41] Adams, “The Neglected Period of Anti-Slavery,”132.

[42] Ibid., 131.

[43] “The Genius of Universal Emancipation,”1. 142; 5. 409.

[44] “The Genius of Universal Emancipation,”4. 76, 142; Birney, “James G. Birney,”77; Minutes of the American Convention of AbolitionSocieties, 1826, p. 48.

[45] “The Genius of Universal Emancipation,”11. 65, 66.

[46] See The Minutes and Proceedings of the AmericanConvention of Abolition Societies, covering this period.

[47] This statement is based on the accounts of anumber of abolitionists.

[48] Adams, “A Neglected Period of Anti-Slavery,”60, 61.

[49] Siebert, “The Underground Railroad,”10. 346.

[50] Ambler, “Sectionalism in Virginia,”107-108.

[51] Woodson, “The Education of the Negro,”120-121.

[52] “The Genius of Universal Emancipation,”5. 117, 126, 164, 188, 275, 301, 324, 365; 6. 21,140, 177.

[53] The Fourth Annual Report of the American Anti-SlaverySociety, 1837, p. 48; The New England Anti-SlaveryAlmanac for 1841, p. 31.

[54] Ibid.

[55] The African Repository, XXXII, 16.

[56] The Catalogue of Berea College, 1897.

ANTAR, THE ARABIAN NEGRO WARRIOR, POET AND HERO

That men of Negro blood should rise to distinctionin Arabia is not at all singular. By languageand ethnological conformation the people of the ArabianPeninsula belong to the great Semitic group of thehuman family. But the proximity of Africa toArabia carried the slave trade at a very early periodto that soil. Naturally, as a result of intermarriage,thousands of Negroes with Arabian blood soon appearedin that part of Asia. This was especially trueof the midland and southern districts of the peninsula.To-day, after several centuries of such unions, thereis found in southwestern Arabia, in northern and centralAfrica an ever-increasing colored population of vastnumbers, known as Arabised Negroes. Many of thesehave become celebrities whose achievements form anintegral part of Arabian civilization and Mohammedanculture.[1] Emerging from this group came Antar, themost conspicuous figure in Arabia, a man noble in thought,heroic in deed, an exemplar of ideals higher than thoseof his age and a model for posterity.

Antarah ben Shedad el Absi (Antar the Lion, the sonof the Tribe of Abs), the historic Antar, was bornabout the middle of the sixth century of our era,and died about the year 615. Some accounts givethe year 525 as the date of his birth. By ClementHuart, a distinguished Orientalist, he is describedas a mulatto.[2] “Goddess born, however,”says Reynold A. Nicholson, “he could not be calledby any stretch of the imagination. His motherwas a black slave."[3] All authorities agree thatShedad, his father, was a man of noble blood and thathis mother was an Abyssinian slave.

The manner in which they became attached to each otheris interesting. As a result of tyrannical actionupon the part of King Zoheir, chief of the Absians,several chieftains seceded to attack and rob othertribes and establish their own kingdom. Amongthese chieftains was one Shedad. In their wanderingsthey attacked and conquered a certain tribe, amongthe prisoners of which was a black woman of greatbeauty named Zebiba. Shedad fell in love withthis woman and to obtain possession of her yieldedall rights to the spoils. She then had two sons.Shedad lived in the fields with her for a time, duringwhich she gave birth to a son. As a boy his strengthwas prodigious and courage unparalleled.

In his early life Antar was assigned to the lowlytask of a keeper of camels. Here he followedthe usual routine incident to such a task while theclan of his father roved from place to place, clashingwith rivals in quest of the prizes of the chase orthe spoils of war, or rested in some vale of Arabiaand devoted itself to the simpler pastoral life.Following this sort of occupation, he so distinguishedhimself as to impress the woman whom he later married.This was Ibla, the beautiful daughter of Malek, anotherson of King Zoheir. She was, therefore, Antar’scousin. Antar’s growth in courage, in bodilystrength, sense of justice, and sympathy for the weakexcited her admiration and high esteem. His lovefor Ibla found expression in deeds of valor and poemsdedicated to her virtues, but the jealousy of chieftainsand his lowly birth prevented their union. Themagnanimity of Antar in the face of bitter opposition,however, and his undying love finally won him Iblaas his bride.

Favored by great strength and a leonine courage, Antarsoon passed from the duties of a keeper of camelsto those of a first-class fighting man. By thesevirtues, so highly prized by the warlike Arabs, heingratiated himself both with his father and his tribe.Much of the life of Antar is lost to authentic history,but that part which remains shows that he followedthe career of a great chieftain endowed with militaryqualities, poetic gifts, and a talent for leadershipof extraordinary order. According to Huart, hetook part in the terrible wars of the horses arisingout of the rivalry between the stallion Dahis and themare Ghabra.[4] Treachery alone prevented the famouscourser from winning the race, and in his vengeanceQais, chief of the tribe of Abs, waged bitter waragainst his enemies. Antar was the rhapsodistas well as a participant in these contests. Successin war rapidly followed. His kinsmen forgot hislowly birth and former menial occupation and regardedhim as the first warrior of his day. His deedsof heroism increased his prestige and after his father’sdeath he became the protector of his tribe and thepattern of Arabic chivalry.

Meanwhile he had shown such rare poetic gifts thathis fame spread beyond the circle of his clan andin due course of time he was selected as a contestantin those poetic trials that were peculiar to the Arabsin the pre-Islamic days. So successful was Antar’seffort that he was acknowledged the greatest poetof his time and one of his odes was selected as oneof the Mu ’Allakat, the seven suspended poems,while judged by the assemblage of all the Arabs worthyto be written in letters of gold and hung on highin the sacred Kaabah at Mecca, as accepted modelsof Arabian style.[5]

The death of Antar is enshrouded in obscurity.Antar perished about the year 615 while fighting againstthe tribe of the Tai. According to one authorityhe had grown old and his youthful activity had forsakenhim. He is said to have fallen from his horseand to have been unable to regain his feet in time.His death was a signal for peace and the end of thelong-drawn hostility. In spite of the tribe’sdesire to avenge its hero and its bard, a compensationof 100 camels was accepted for the murder of one ofits scions and the poets celebrated the close of thelong struggle. Another author says the hero,stricken to death by a poison shaft sped by the handof a treacherous and implacable foe, remounted hishorse to insure the safe retreat of his tribe anddied leaning on his lance. His enemies, smittenwith terror by the memory of his prowess, dared notadvance, till one cunning warrior devised a strategemwhich startled the horse out of its marble stillness.The creature gave a bound and Antar’s corpse,left unsupported, fell upon the ground.[6]

His fame as a literary character transcends that ofthe modern authors of black blood, such as Pushkinin Russia, and the elder Dumas in France. Afterhis death the fame of Antar’s deeds spread acrossthe Arabian Peninsula and throughout the Mohammedanworld. In time these deeds, like the Homericlegends, were recorded in a literary form and thereinis found that Antar, the son of an Abyssinian slave,once a despised camel driver, has become the Achillesof the Arabian Iliad, a work known to this day afterbeing a source of wonder and admiration for hundredsof years to millions of Mohammedans as the “Romanceof Antar.” The book, therefore, ranks amongthe great national classics like the “Shah-nameh”of Persia, and the “Nibelungen-Lied” ofGermany. Antar was the father of knighthood.He was the champion of the weak and oppressed, theprotector of the women, the impassioned lover-poet,the irresistible and magnanimous knight. “Antar”in its present form probably preceded the romancesof chivalry so common in the twelfth century in Italyand France.[7]

This national classic of the Arabian world is of greatlength in the original, being often found in thirtyor forty manuscript volumes in quarto, in seventyor eighty in octavo. Portions of it have beentranslated into English, German and French. Englishreaders can consult it best in a translation fromthe Arabic by Terrick Hamilton in four volumes publishedin London in 1820. This translation, now rare,covers only a portion of the original; a new translation,suitably abridged, is much needed. The fact thatits hero is of Negro blood may have chilled the ardorof English translators to meet this need.

The original book purports to have been written morethan a thousand years ago—­in the goldenprime of the Caliph Harun-al-Rashid (786-809)—­bythe famous As-Asmai (741-830). It is in facta later compilation probably of the twelfth century.The first Arabic edition was brought to Europe by anAustro-German diplomat and scholar—­Baronvon Hammer Purgstall—­near the end of theeighteenth century. The manuscript was engrossedin the year 1466. The verses with which the volumesabound are in many cases undoubtedly those of Antar.

One enthusiastic critic of this romance has said:The book in its present form has been the delightof all Arabians for many centuries. Every wildBedouin of the desert knew much of the tale by heartand listened to its periods and to its poems withquivering interest. His more cultivated brothersof the cities possessed one or many of its volumes.Every coffee-house in Aleppo, Bagdad, or Constantinoplehad a narrator who, night after night, recited itto rapt audiences. The unanimous opinion of theEast has always placed the romance of Antar at thesummit of such literature. As one of their authorswell says: “’The Thousand and OneNights’ is for the amusement of women and children;‘Antar’ is a book for men. From itthey learn lessons of eloquence, of magnanimity, ofgenerosity and of statecraft.” Even theprophet Mohammed, well-known foe to poetry and poets,instructed his disciples to relate to their childrenthe traditions concerning Antar, “for thesewill steel their hearts harder than stone."[9]

Another critic has said: “The Romance ofAntar is the free expression of real Arab hero-worship.And even in the cities of the Orient today, the loungersover their cups can never weary of following the exploitsof this black son of the desert who in his personunites the great virtues of his people, magnanimityand bravery, with the gift of poetic speech. Itstone is elevated; it is never trivial, even in itslong and wearisome descriptions, in its ever-recurringoutbursts of love. Its language suits its thought:choice and educated, and not descending—­asin the ’Nights’—­to the commonexpressions or ordinary speech. It is the Arabicromance of chivalry and may not have been without influencein the spread of the romance of mediaeval Europe."[10]

An idea of this romance may be obtained from the following:

Years and years ago King Zoheir ruled Arabia.Now Shedad, a son, nettled under the stern sway ofhis sire and longed for the chase and the combat.The green plains becked, the murmuring streams sanguntil the heart of Shedad grew sad. When thesun rose one morn he gathered his camels and warriorsand departed.

Far from the home of King Zoheir dwelt the tribe Djezilain peace but Shedad fell upon them and slew them.As beautiful as a goddess was a black woman namedZebiba who was captured. Now it came to pass thatShedad loved Zebiba and dwelt with her and her twosons in the fields. In time she bore him a son,as dark as an elephant, with eyes as black as nightand a head of shaggy hair. They called him Antar.

Antar grew in strength, in courage and in mind untilthe chieftains disputed his possession, for his motherwas a slave and Antar must tend the herds. Zoheirsummoned the chieftains and Antar and when he was broughtbefore him he marveled and threw him a piece of meat.But a dog that chanced to be in the tent was quickerthan he and seized it and ran off. Rage gaveAntar the fleetness of the wind. With mighty leapshe bounded after the dog. Swifter darted no eagleupon its prey than Antar pursued the rogue. Witha mighty spring he caught it and seizing its jaws torethem asunder down to the beast’s shoulders,and in triumph he held the meat aloft. But theKing grew afraid and let Shedad depart with Antar.At ten years of age he slew a wolf that harassed hisflock and later killed a slave who had beaten an oldwoman. Thus did the women find in him a protectorand they hung upon his words and recounted his deedsand his acts of justice.

Now Shedad’s brother, Malek, had a daughternamed Ibla, who was as fair as the moon. Theladies were wont to drink camel’s milk morningand evening when Antar had cooled it in the winds.It chanced one morning that Antar entered Ibla’stent just as her mother was combing her hair, and thebeauty of her form transfixed him. A thing ofloveliness fairer he had never seen, nor ringletsof darker hue grace a human head. His heart beatwildly at the birth of a great passion and the hotblood burned his dark cheeks. But Ibla fled andAntar left with a light heart. For days he sangin measures sweet of Ibla’s beauty and his armburned to do deeds. The weeds of the field becamethe fairest of flowers; the limpid pools mirrored Ibla’sface in images beautiful and pure and the zephyrswhispered of love. But Antar had dared love aprincess and his father became wroth and came to thefields one day with some chiefs to punish him.

When they arrived they found Antar in combat witha lion. With a roar like thunder the beast lashedits tail and advanced. But Antar knew not fear.He stepped forward to the fray. The snarlingcreeping beast scratched furrows in the ground andbided the time for the spring. Then it leaped.Like a flash Antar hurled his lance and leaped aside.A gleam of light and iron met flesh as the mightybody hurtled by. Quickly he seized the shaft andheld it firmly while the beast lashed furiously andgrowled in its death struggles, and then it lay still.But the heart of Shedad was softened and he invitedAntar and the chieftains to sup with him. Longinto the night recounted Shedad Antar’s deedsbut the dark eyes of Antar saw only Ibla and his heartyearned for the morrow and the end of the feasting.

Not far from the land of King Zoheir dwelt the tribeof Temin and Zoheir and his warriors departed to waragainst them. To Antar was entrusted the careand protection of the women during Zoheir’s absence.Antar swore to protect them with his life and thewomen were not afraid. But the days are longwhen lords are away and the women burned for entertainment.Then it was that Semiah, the lawful wife of Shedad,called the women together and spoke of a feast onthe shores of a near by lake. When the day cameIbla and her mother attended and as Antar saw herhis heart leaped with joy. Just then shouts wereheard and from afar appeared a cloud of dust whichgrew larger and filled the sky as it drew near.Out from the cloud of dust sprang the tribesmen calledCathan and with yells they seized and carried offthe women.

But Antar sped up like the wind when he heard theshrieks of his beloved Ibla and saw her anguishedface and frenzied struggles. Horse he had nonebut love and despair gave him the swiftness of a steed,the courage of a lion and the strength of the elephant.Across the plains he coursed as swiftly as the windbut the steeds were as swift as he. Clouds ofdust choked him and hid him from view but double burdenson tired coursers could not continue the mad pace.Antar overtook one horseman, threw him off and slewhim. Then a cry arose among the tribesmen of Cathanto kill Antar, but Antar lusted for battle and donningthe armor of the slain man, he slew warrior afterwarrior until the tribesmen of Cathan loosed the womenand fled. Then Antar comforted the women anddrove many horses home before him, among them a blackcharger.

When Shedad returned with Zoheir he went to visithis flocks and saw Antar upon a black horse guardingthe herds. Shedad inquired whence came the horse,but Antar did not wish to betray the imprudent actionof his father’s wife and remained silent.Thereupon Shedad called him a robber and struck himwith such violence that the blood ran. But Semiahsaw the cruel act and her heart went out to Antar.She clasped him in her arms and throwing herself ather lord’s feet, she raised her veil and toldthe story of the attack and rescue and Antar’scourage. Antar’s silence and magnanimityso touched Shedad that he wept. The news of Antar’sfeat soon reached the king, who gave him a robe ofhonor and rich presents.

But jealousies among the chieftains toward Antar grewand plots were made to kill him. Again and againhe circumvented his foes and in triumphs showed infinitepity and mercy. Deeds of darkness but increasedthe mutual love between Ibla and Antar and the nameof Antar was heard far into distant lands.

Now it happened that a youth of wealth and lineagesought Ibla’s hand in marriage. But pridechoked him and he basked in the glory of his fathers’deeds. When Antar heard of the boastful youth’ssuit he swore a great oath to kill him and he fellupon him. But the youth escaped. Now thechieftains saw a chance to destroy Antar’s powerand encompass his destruction. They appearedbefore Zoheir and demanded Antar’s life.Then Zoheir stripped him of his high estate and favorsand sent him back to the fields to attend the herdsand Antar bowed his great head in shame and left.But the love he bore for Ibla was as meat to his bodyand refreshment to his mind and his great spirit diednot.

Soon the tribe of Tex fell upon Zoheir and his warriorsand sorely pressed them. The pride of Zoheir,however, was great and Antar stayed far from the battle,for his heart was heavy and he was again a tender ofherds. Then the day went against Zoheir and hiswarriors and many fell and sadness came upon the land.And the men of Tex pressed the men of Zoheir harderand carried off the women and with them Ibla.Still Antar tended the herds and came not. Butthe mighty chieftains of Zoheir came to him and beggedhim to cloak his wrath and do battle with them againstthe men of Tex. And Antar heard the men of Texin silence and his heart gave a bound when they spokeof Ibla, but still he stayed in his tent and came not.Then the chieftains sought to move him by his greatlove for Ibla. Thereupon Antar’s face beamedand he spoke and laid down the condition that Iblamust be given him as a wife. Shedad and Malekagreed and Antar girt himself and with the remnantof Zoheir’s army went against the men of Tex.Now the strength of Antar was that of a hundred menand his courage that of a thousand and animated byhis great burning passion and with the ardor of battlein his nostrils he fell upon the tribe of Tex.Redder sank never a sun than the plains blushed withthe blood of men after that battle. Tears filledIbla’s eyes when she beheld Antar and in triumphhe led her back to the land of King Zoheir. Butthe heart of Malek was false, and bitter plots wererife, and even Shedad viewed in despair the rise ofa black slave. Malek demanded that Antar shouldgive his bride a present of a thousand camels of acertain breed that could be found only in distant lands.Now Antar read his heart and saw his wicked artificebut he set out. Far from the land of King Zoheirwandered Antar, far from the wiles of Malek and jealoussuitors, far from the tent of his beloved Ibla.But the heart of Antar was not cast down nor did hopedie.

Now it happened that Antar entered the country ofPersia where he was taken prisoner. His captorsbound him upon a horse and departed for the villageof their king. Tidings came of the ravages ofa fierce lion and no warriors dared to give it battle.Fiercer had roamed no lion in the land of King Zoheirnor in Persia. Whole villages fled before it andherds were but as chaff. But Antar begged thathe be loosed and they untied his bonds and gave hima lance and he departed to attack the lion.

Courage is half victory and the arm of Antar was skilledin the art of the lance and his heart was stout.But the strength of the lion was of the body whilstthat of Antar was of the body and the mind. Witha mighty throw Antar hurled the lance and it foundits mark, but the lion bounded forward and Antar stoodunarmed. Then with a mighty wrench he jerked ayoung tree from the ground and with powerful blowsbeat down the attack of the lion. He gave a mightyswing and cleft the beast’s skull and it felldown and died, and Antar departed for the tent ofthe king. Then the men marvelled, for none daredfollow to see the terrible combat nor did people believeuntil they saw the beast.

Then the king loaded Antar with rich gifts and honorsand gave him the thousand camels which he sought,and Antar departed for the land of King Zoheir.Great was the rejoicing of Ibla when messengers broughttidings of Antar’s return. Great was thesurprise of Malek and the rage of the chieftains.But Shedad’s heart softened and he yearned forhis son and the fair Ibla gave him her hand and Antarand Ibla married and dwelt in the land of King Zoheir.

To this day the fame of Antar still persists.Rimsky-Korsakoff, a modern Russian composer, has givenus in his symphony “Antar” a tone pictureof this Arabian Negro’s life that opens andcloses with an atmospheric eastern pastorale of greatbeauty. It has been played during the past winterwith marked success in Boston, New York, Philadelphiaand Washington, at the concerts of the Boston SymphonyOrchestra, that representative body of great musicians.The remarkable career of Antar and the perpetuationof his memory in history, literature and music, thoughremoved by many centuries from the life of the AmericanNegro of today, offers to him many thoughts for reflection.

While Arabia of the pre-Islamic days is not Americaof this generation nor the Semitic people of the Eastlike the Germanic races of the West, still those humanqualities that make for valor, for greatness of spirit,that reflect genius devoted to literature and socialservice are compelling forces in all climes and inall races. An opportunity for a free expressionof them and a recognition of their potent effect inthe sum total of human culture should be the missionof scholarship in all lands. Those elements ofcharacter which the Arabs of Antar’s day regardedas their beau ideal were found not unworthyof admiration when manifested in one of Negro blood.When his poetic fancy reflected the spirit of Arablife his works were not rejected because his motherwas an African slave but one of the best was placedamong the immortal poems of his father’s country.When his genius for warfare was shown it was givenan opportunity to develop and serve the cause of allwho preferred valiant deeds to arguments of race.When his life was spent it was not looked upon as oneof an unusual Negro rising above a sphere previouslylimited to his fellows of the same blood but as anepic of success crowning human effort and worthy tobe embodied in the literature of Arabia as the exploitsof a hero who exemplified the spirit of the people,acceptable for all time as their model for valor,poetic genius, hospitality, and magnanimity.

A. O. STAFFORD

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Palgrave, “Essays on Eastern Questions,”37 et seq.

[2] Huart, “A History of Arabian Literature,”13.

[3] Nicholson, “Literary History of the Arabs,”114.

[4] Huart, “A History of Arabian Literature,”14.

[5] These are two selections from Antar’s Mu’Allakat:

A FAIR LADY

’Twas then herbeauties first enslaved my heart—­
Those glittering pearlsand ruby lips, whose kiss
Was sweeter far thanhoney to the taste.
As when the merchantopes a precious box
Of perfume, such anodor from her breath
Comes toward me, harbingerof her approach;
Or like an untouchedmeadow, where the rain
Hath fallen freshlyon the fragrant herbs
That carpet all itspure untrodden soil:
A meadow where the fragrantrain-drops fall
Like coins of silverin the quiet pools,
And irrigate it withperpetual streams;
A meadow where the sportiveinsects hum,
Like listless toperssinging o’er their cups,
And ply their forelegslike a man who tries
With maimed hands touse the flint and steel.

THE BATTLE

There where the horsemenrode strongest
I rode out in frontof them,
Hurled forth my battle-shoutand charged them;
No man thought blameof me.
Antar! they cried; andtheir lances
Well-cords in slenderness,pressed to the breast
Of my war-horse stillas I pressed on them.
Doggedly strove we androde we.
Ha! the brave stallion!Now is his breast dyed
With blood drops, hisstar-front with fear of them!
Swerved he, as piercedby the spear points.
Then in his beautifuleyes stood the tears
Of appealing, wordsinarticulate.
If he had our man’slanguage,
Then had he called tome.
If he had known ourtongue’s secret,
Then had he cried tome.

* * * * *

Deep through the sand drifts the horsemen
Charged with teeth grimly set,
Urging their war-steeds;
I urged them spurred by my eagerness forward
To deeds of daring, deeds of audacity.

[6] Huart, “A History of Arabian Literature,”13.

[7] Holden, “Library of the World’s BestLiterature,” 586.

[8] Not in Text

[9] Edward S. Holden, “Library of the World’sBest Literature,” I, p. 587.

[10] Richard Gottheil, “Library of the World’sBest Literature,” II, 674.

DOCUMENTS

EIGHTEENTH CENTURY SLAVES AS ADVERTISED BY THEIR MASTERS

In some respects the eighteenth century slave wasbetter off than the Negro of today. As a ruleno Negro can now get his name into the leading newspapersunless he commits a heinous crime. At that time,however, masters in offering slaves for sale and advertisingfugitives unconsciously spoke of their virtues aswell as their shortcomings, that the public mightbe fully informed as to the character of the blacks.Through these advertisements, therefore, we can getat the very life of the Negro when slavery was stillof the patriarchal sort and can thus contrast his thenfavorable condition with the wretchedness of the institutionafter it assumed its economic aspect in the nineteenthcentury. We observe that the eighteenth centuryslave was rapidly taking over modern civilization inthe West Indies and in the thirteen colonies on theAmerican continent. The blacks were becominguseful and skilled laborers, acquiring modern languages,learning to read and write, entering a few of the professions,exercising the rights of citizens, and climbing thesocial ladder to the extent of moving on a plane ofequality with the poor whites.

To emphasize various facts these advertisements havebeen grouped under different headings, but each throwslight on more than one phase of the life of the eighteenthcentury slave. The compiler will be criticisedhere for publishing in full many advertisements whichcontain repetitions of the same phraseology.The plan is deemed wise in this case, however, becauseof the additional value the complete document musthave. The words to which special attention isdirected appear in his own capitals.

LEARNING A MODERN LANGUAGE

RAN away from Austin Paris of Philadelphia, Founder,on the 22do this Instant, A Negro Boy called Bedfordor Ducko, aged about Sixteen or Seventeen Years; SPEAKSVERY GOOD ENGLISH wears a dark brown colored Coatand Jacket, a Pair of white Fustian Breeches, a greymill’d Cap with a red Border, a Pair of newYarn Stockings, with a Pair of brown worsted underthem, or in his Pockets. Whoever brings him tohis said Master, or informs him of him so that hemay be secured, shall be satisfied for their Pains,by me. Austin Paris.

The American Weekly Mercury (Philadelphia),Jan. 31, 1721.

TO be Sold, Three Very likely Negro Girls being about16 years of age, and a Negro Boy about 14, SPEAKINGGOOD ENGLISH, enquire of the Printer hereof.

The American Weekly Mercury(Philadelphia), June 20, 1723.

RAN away from Joseph Coleman in the Great Valley inChester County, a Negro Man, named Tom, aged about30 Years, of a middle Stature, HE SPEAKS VERY GOODENGLISH, haveing on a white Shirt, Stockings and Shoes,a great riding Coat tyed round him with blew Girdles.He was seen by several Persons in New York, aboutthe latter end of June last, who was well acquaintedwith him and suspected his being a Run away but hetold them his former Master Capt. Palmer hadsold him to a Person in the Great Valley, who hadgiven him his Freedom, then he pulled out a forgedpass, which to the best of his remembrance was signedby one William Hughes. Whosoever takes up thesaid Negro and puts him into any Gaol, and gives noticethereof to his said Master or to William Bradford inNew York, or to Messrs. Steel or Bethuke Merchantsin Boston, shall have Three Pounds Reward and allReasonable Charges.

Those that take him are desired to secure the pass.

The American Weekly Mercury (Philadelphia),July 11, 1723.

RAN away from his Master, Capt. John Steel,at the North End of Boston, the 17th Instant,a Young Negro Fellow, named Pompey SPEAKS PRETTYGOOD ENGLISH is about 19 or 20 Years of Age, is shortin Stature and pretty long visaged, has been usedto change his name; he had on a great Ratteen Coat,Waistcoat and Breeches, the coat pretty old, withwhite Metal Buttons, a Cotton and linnen Shirt, andordinary Worsted Cap, and grey Yarn Stockings, hetook with him an old Hat, and a Leather Jockey Cap,a pair of old black Stockings, and a new OzenbrigsFrock: He has made several Attempts to get offin some Vessel, therefore all Masters of Vessels arecautioned not to entertain him.

Whoever shall apprehend the said Negro and carryhim to said Master shall have Five Pounds oldTenor, and necessary Charges paid by John Steel.

The Boston Weekly News-Letter,Jan. 23, 1746.

RAN away on the 19th of this Instant SEPTEMBER,from his Master John Johnson, of Boston,Jack-maker, a Negro Man Servant, named Joe, about 23Years of Age, a likely Fellow, who had on when he wentaway a dark colored Fly Coat, with flat white MetalButtons, a Swan Skin double breasted Jacket, LeatherDeer Skin Breeches, a pair of high heel’d thicksoled Shoes. He can play on the Flute, has aScar on his upper Lip and SPEAKS GOOD ENGLISH.Whoever shall take him up and deliver him to his saidMaster, shall have Ten Pounds Reward, Old Tenor,and all reasonable Charges paid. All Mastersof Vessels and others, are hereby cautioned againstharbouring, concealing or carrying off said Negro,as they will avoid the Penalty of the Law.

The Boston Evening Post, Oct. 3,1748.

RAN-AWAY from Luykas Job. Wyngaard, ofthe City of Albany, Merchant, a certain NegroMan named SIMON, of a middle size, a slenderspry Fellow, has a handsome smooth Face, and thickLegs; SPEAKS VERY GOOD ENGLISH: Had onwhen he went away a blue Cloth Great Coat. Whoevertakes up the said Negro and brings him to his Master,or to Mr. JOHN LIVINGSTON, at NEW YORK,shall receive Three Pounds, New York Money,Reward, and all reasonable Cost and Charges paid by

JOHN LIVINGSTON.

The New York Gazette Revived in theWeekly Post-Boy, Nov. 28, 1748.

A Likely Negro Boy about 14 Years of Age, countryborn, CAN SPEAK DUTCH OR ENGLISH, tobe sold: Enquire of Printer hereof.

The New York Gazette Revived in theWeekly Post-Boy, Feb. 28, 1750.

RAN AWAY from the Subscriber living near the Headof South River, in Anne
Arundel County, on the 16th of June, a Negro Man,named Joseph
Marriott, lately convicted from London; he isa tall slim Fellow and TALKS
VERY PLAIN ENGLISH. Had on a black ClothCoat, a short white Flannel
Waistcoat, a Check Shirt, a Pair of red EverlastingBreeches, a Pair of
Yarn Stockings, a Pair of Old Cannell’d Pumps,a Worsted Capt, and an old
Castor Hat; and took sundry other Cloaths with him.

Whoever apprehends the said Fellow, and brings himto the Subscriber shall have Two Pistoles Reward.

BENJAMIN WELSH.

The Maryland Gazette, July 4, 1754.

RAN AWAY from his Master, James Dalton of Boston,on the first Instant, a Negro Man named Ulysses, SPEAKSGOOD ENGLISH, about 5 feet 8 Inches high, turns hisToes a little in, somewhat bow-legged.

The Boston Evening Post, Oct. 10,1757.

Cranstown, May 2, 1760.

Ran-away from his Master Capt Edward Arnold ofCranstown, the 20th of April, A Negro Man namedPortsmouth, about 27 Years of Age, about 5 Feet6 Inches high, strait limb’d SPEAKS PRETTY GOODENGLISH: * * * * * * * * *

EDWARD ARNOLD.

The Boston Gazette and Country Journal,May 19, 1760.

RAN-away on the 28th Day of June 1761, from hisMaster, Ephraim Swift of Falmouth in the Countyof Barnstable, A Negro Man Servant namedPeter, about 27 or 28 Years old, SPEAKS GOOD ENGLISH:had on when he went away a Beaveret Hat, a green worstedCapt, a close bodied Coat coloured with a green narrowFrieze Cape, a Great Coat, a black and white homespunJacket, a flannel checked Shirt, grey yarn Stockings;also a flannel Jacket, and a Bundle of other Cloaths,and a Violin. He is very tall Fellow.

Whosoever shall apprehend the said Negro Fellowand commit him to any of his Majesty’s Gaols,or secure him so as that his Master may have him again,shall have Five Dollars Reward, and all necessaryCharges paid.

EPHRAIM SWIFT.

All Masters of Vessels and others are cautionednot to carry off or conceal the said Negro, as theywould avoid the Penalty of the Law.

The Boston Gazette and Country Journal,July 6, 1761.

EIGHT DOLLARS REWARD

RAN away from the Subscriber, the 17th instant, alikely Negro Fellow, (named CATO) about five feetseven inches high, about twenty years old, had onwhen he went away, a grey bear-skin double-breastedJacket with large white metal buttons, and stripedunder ditto, long striped trowsers, with leather breechesunder them, a sailor’s Dutch Cap; he has pimplesin his face, SPEAKS GOOD ENGLISH, very nice aboutthe hair, tells a very plausible story, upon any extraordinaryoccasion, and pretends to have a pass signed by JohnNelson.

Whosoever may take up said servant, and return him,to his Master, shall have Eight Dollars reward, andall necessary Charges paid by

GEORGE WATSON.
Plymouth March 25, 1769.

Post Script to the Boston Weekly News-Letter,Apr. 20, 1769.

TEN DOLLARS REWARD

Run away on the 14th instant, a Negro Woman namedLydia, aged about forty, SPEAKS GOOD ENGLISH, is remarkablytall and stout made, has a large mark on her rightcheek where she has been burnt; she had on her a bluenegro cloth jacket and coat, a blue shalloon gown,a red and white cotton handkerchief round her head,a blue and white ditto about her neck, and a pair ofmen’s shoes, and a ditto men’s clowdedstockings. She has belonged to Mrs. Derise, sen.and to Mr. Dalziel Hunter. The Reward will bepaid on delivery of the said Wench, by Mr. McDowell,No 27 Broadstreet; and any person harbouring her afterthis notice will be prosecuted according to law.

Feb. 18th, 1783.

The South-Carolina Weekly Advertiser,Feb. 19, 1783.

RAN AWAY

From the Subscribers, the 28th of June, A short oldNegroe-man named Tom, marked with the small pox, SPEAKSVERY GOOD ENGLISH, late the property of Capt.Richard Estes; and having reason to believe that heis gone to the former plantation, or embarked himselffor Bermuda, where he has children belonging to aMr. Robinson; therefore all captains of vessels, orothers are forbid harbouring or carrying off saidNegroe, on forfeit according to law. Whosoeverwill send or deliver said Negro to us or the Wardenof the Work-house, shall be generously rewarded.Charleston, June 29. Roch & Custer.

The South Carolina Gazette and GeneralAdvertiser, July 1, 1784.

TWO GUINEAS REWARD

RAN AWAY a Negro Man named Prince about twenty-threeyears old, and about five feet six inches high, smallfeatured, of a dark complection, his Guinea countrymarks on his face, SPEAKS VERY GOOD ENGLISH, has adown look; had on when he went away a light colouredsurtout coat, a pair of yellow stocking breeches,and a round black hat; he has been seen skulking aboutthis city since Saturday last. Two Guineas rewardwill be given and all reasonable charges paid to anyone delivering the said Negro to the Warden of theWork-house, or to the Subscriber, and the utmost rigourof the law will be inflicted on conviction of anyperson harbouring the said Negroe.

Charleston, July 6, 1784. SamuelBoas, No. 5 Church Street.

The South Carolina Gazette and GeneralAdvertiser, July 6, 1784.

BROUGHT TO THE WORKHOUSE

A Negro fellow named March, of the Guinea country,five feet one inch high, SPEAKS VERY MUCH BROKEN ENGLISH,forty or forty-five years of age, says his master’sname is Mr. Gerry, of Santee.

Also a negroe fellow named Sambo, of the Guinea country,five feet four inches high, twenty or twenty-fiveyears of age, pitted a little with the small pox;has on a check shirt, a white cloth sailor jacket,with black binding, and a pair of Osnaburg trowsers.

Also a negro fellow named Abraham, born on John’sIsland in this State, thirty or thirty-five yearsof age, five feet three inches high, SPEAKS PROPERENGLISH, and says his masters name is Thomas Cleay,and lives at Cullpepper, in Virginia.

JOHN GERLEY, WARDEN.

July 9, 1784.

The South Carolina Gazette and GeneralAdvertiser, July 10, 1784.

TO BE SOLD
On Tuesday Next,
By Messrs. Colcock & Gibbons.
A YOUNG NEGRO.

Between fourteen and fifteen years of age, who isan exceedingly good hair dresser, and understandsvery well to keep horses, CAN SPEAK FRENCH AND ENGLISH.

ROGER SMITH.

The South Carolina Gazette and GeneralAdvertiser, July 20, 1784.

RUN-AWAY

From the Subscriber
The following Negroes viz.

Moll, a tall black Wench, about 20 years old, is frequentlyseen in and about Charleston, and Stono, she has changedher name to Judah, and says she is free.

JAMES, a short well made fellow, with a large scaron one cheek, has also a scar on one foot, with theloss of a part of his toes, is frequently seen inCharleston and at Mr. Manigault’s plantation.

JEFFERY, a middle size well made straight limb’dfellow, about 22 or 23 years old, a little pittedwith the small pox, used to the coasting business.

Also JAMIE, a short well made fellow, a little boughlegged, about 20 years old. THE ABOVE NEGROESARE VERY ARTFUL, SPEAK GOOD ENGLISH, and most probablyhave changed their names. A Reward of THREE GUINEASwill be paid for each of the said negroes on deliveryto the Warden of the Workhouse, in Charleston, orto the subscriber in Georgetown.

This is therefore to forewarn all persons from harbouring,or Masters of vessels from carrying off said Negroes,as they may depend on conviction, to be treated withthe utmost rigour of the law, by

LEWIS DUTARQUE.

The State Gazette of South Carolina,Jan. 26, 1786.

BROUGHT TO THE WORKHOUSE

A Negro Girl named Hannah, this country born, 4 feet8 inches high, 13 or 14 years of age, dark complexion,SPEAKS GOOD ENGLISH, has on a blue Negro Cloth Wrapperand petticoat, much faded, says her master’sname is Mr. Rose, and lives at Asbepoo. Takenup by James Ackett in this City, February 2, 1786.

JOHN GERLEY, WARDEN.

State Gazette of South Carolina,Feb. 20, 1786.

THREE GUINEAS REWARD RUNAWAY

From the Subscriber’s Plantation called Mrs.Wright’s Place near Dorchester, A MULATTOFELLOW named JOE, about 20 years of age, five feetfive inches high, SPEAKS EXCEEDINGLY GOOD ENGLISH,had on when he went away a brown jacket and overalls.Whoever will deliver the said fellow to the subscriber,shall have the above reward.

A. PLEYM.

The State Gazette of South Carolina,April 20, 1786.

RUN-AWAY

From the Subscriber on September last, Scipio,a likely black fellow, about 25 years old, has a fewof his country marks on each side of his face, whichcan be perceived on examining closely, HE SPEAKS REMARKABLYGOOD ENGLISH FOR A NEGRO, AND IS EXCEEDINGLY ARTFUL,he formerly belonged to Captain Ogier, at which timewas his waiting man, he is in all probability on Santeeriver, or Stono, as he is well acquainted there, andindeed everywhere else in the State, he generally keepswith a negro fellow belonging to the Reverend Mr.Lewis, deceased, by the name of Brutus, who is likewiserunaway. Whoever will deliver said fellow orsecure him, so that the subscriber can get him, eitherdead or alive, shall receive TEN POUNDS.

Andrew a likely fellow, of a yellowish complexion,about 30 years old, his particular marks are not recollected,he formerly belonged to the estate of Thomas Sullivan,deceased, and was sold about 12 months ago to Mr. HubertHodson, of the Round O, he has a wife in Charleston,who belongs to a free negro carpenter, who lives nowin King Street, named James Miles, and it is suspectedthat he is harboured there. Whoever will deliversaid fellow or secure him in the Work-House of Charleston,so that the subscriber gets him shall receiveFIVE POUNDS.

Nancy, a very likely black Guinea wench, SPEAKSGOOD ENGLISH, very artful, and no doubt will changeher name, and master’s too; she is branded onthe breast something like L blotched, about 51/2 feethigh, went away in 1784, at which time she belongedto John Logan Esq, deceased, she has been in Charlestonthe greatest part of her time since her absence, passesfor a free wench, and it is said washes and ironsfor a livelihood. Whoever will deliver said wench,or secure her, so that the subscriber gets her safeshall receive FIVE POUNDS.

All persons are hereby cautioned from harbouringeither of these negroes, as they may depend on beingprosecuted with the utmost rigour of the law.A handsome reward will be paid any person who willgive information of their being harboured by any whiteperson, so that the evidence will admit of a prosecution.

HENRY BELL.

Round O in St. Bartholomew’sParish, Aug. 4, 1786.

The State Gazette of South Carolina,Aug. 21, 1786.

NEGRO IN CUSTODY

CHARLES THOMAS, very black, has white teeth, is about5 feet 10 inches high, and about 26 or 27 years ofage, has had his left leg broke, which bends in alittle about the ancle, SPEAKS BOTH FRENCH AND ENGLISH,and is a very great rogue.

Thomas Acken, Gaoler.

New Castle Delaware, Aug. 28, 1793.

The Maryland Journal and BaltimoreAdvertiser, Sept. 20, 1793.

100 DOLLARS REWARD

Absented himself on Thursday 16th instant, from thesubscriber, a Mustee Fellow named James, well knownabout town, being formerly the Property of Mr. Sarazin;of a Yellow Complexion, bushy hair, pitted with smallpox, a remarkable scar over his right eye, SPEAKSVERY PROPER, AND CAN AT ANY TIME MAKE OUT A PLAUSIBLETALE; had on an old green plush coat, with yellowcuffs and cape, but will no doubt change his dress,as he took a variety with him. Any person apprehendingthe said fellow, and deliver him to the Master ofthe Work-House, or to the Subscriber, shall be entitledto the above reward.

JOHN GEYER.

The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser,June 22, 1797.

20 DOLLARS REWARD

Ran-away from the Subscriber, on the evening of the5th instant, a Negro Fellow named Lando; he is about5 feet 7 inches high, 18 or 19 years of age, remarkablylikely Fellow, rather slim made; HE SPEAKS FRENCH TOLERABLEWELL, and is too fond of the French Negroes, it issupposed he is harboured by some of them. Hehad on when he went away a pair of brown trowsers,and a jacket of the same colour, with green cape andcuffs and white metal buttons, but it is very probablehe may have changed his dress, as he carried otherclothes with him.

A reward of Fifty Dollars will be paid to any personthat will give information of his being harbored bya White and Twenty-five Dollars if by a Black Person,on conviction of the offender.

DAVID HAIG.

City Gazette and Daily Advertiser(Charleston, S.C.), June 27, 1797.

TEN DOLLARS REWARD

Ran-away from his Master on the 6th ultimo, a MULATTOFELLOW named DICK, about 20 years old, five feet nineor ten inches high; a stout well-built Fellow, SPEAKSENGLISH VERY WELL. It will be difficult to describehis dress, as he carried a quantity of clothing withhim, when he absented himself.

The above reward will be paid to whoever shall havesecured him, so that he may be returned to his Master.

Masters of vessels and all other persons are cautionedagainst harbouring said fellow, as they will incurthe penalties of the law in that case.

JAMES MORISON.

City Gazette and Daily Advertiser(Charleston, S.C.), Nov. 12, 1798.

THIRTY DOLLARS REWARD

Absented themselves sometime since, the followingslaves, viz.

Bob, a carpenter Fellow, of a yellowish complexion,mustee, has bushy hair, is about five feet six incheshigh, and 35 years of age; is well made, AND SPEAKSRATHER MORE PROPER THAN NEGROES IN GENERAL.

Dorcas, his Wife, also has a Yellowish complexionand bushy hair, is about 26 years of age, is a goodcook, VERY SMART, AND SPEAKS VERY PROPERLY.

They have with them their two Children; one a Girlcalled Willoughby, about 8 or 10 years old; and anotherinfant only a few months old.

One half the above sum will be paid for Bob, and theother half for Dorcas and the children, on their beinglodged in any gaol in the State, or being deliveredto Captain PAUL HAMILTON on Salimas Island or Mr. WilliamP. Smith at Ponpon; and One Hundred Dollars will bepaid on conviction of their being harboured by a Whiteperson.

MARY EDDINGS.

City Gazette and Daily Advertiser(Charleston, S.C.), July 31, 1799.

500 DOLLARS REWARD

Absented themselves from the subscriber the followingNegroes, viz.

Tom on the 23 January ult. from the City of Charleston;he is about 42 years of age, of a black complexion,SPEAKS GOOD ENGLISH, a little knock-kneed, had onwhen he went away an iron on one leg, and another onhis neck.

Cyrus, from Chehaw, in the month of August last past.He is about five feet six or eight inches high, SPEAKSGOOD ENGLISH, about 38 years of age, well made, andis remarkably bow-legged.

Also Hercules from Chehaw in the month of February1797. He is about five feet eight or nine incheshigh, stout and well made, SPEAKS GOOD ENGLISH, isabout 36 years old, has remarkable thick lips, andhas a small impediment in his speech when frightened,and of a yellowish complexion.

The above Negroes are harboured on the Ashley river,where Tom and Hercules had been for three years past,and are now between Wappoo-cut and Ashley ferry.

One Hundred dollars will be paid on conviction ofa white person taking or having taken Tom’sirons off, and twenty if by a Negro. Also fiftydollars will be paid on delivery of him to the masterof the work house; fifty dollars will also be paidon delivery of Cyrus, and one hundred for Hercules;and a further reward of two hundred dollars will bepaid on conviction of their being harboured by a whiteperson.

February 15,
ARTHUR HUGHES.

The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser,March 5, 1800.

RAN-away from the subscribed on the 6th of July, aNegro man named PETER, formerly the property of Dr.Guion. He is very black and SPEAKS GOOD ENGLISH.He is about forty-five years of age, and has a freewife in this town, at whose house I have reason tosuppose he is harboured. As he is well knownin Newbern I need not describe him more particularly.

I will give a reward of Ten Dollars to any personwho will deliver him to Mr. Dudley, the gaoler, orto the subscriber. All person are forwarned fromharbouring or employing said fellow at their peril.

THOMAS CURTIS.

August 8.

The Newbern Gazette, Aug. 15, 1800.

TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD

Absented himself from the Subscriber on Friday, hisWaiting Man, named YORK, well known in Charleston,as he has been accustomed to drive a carriage andworked out the last year. He is a likely fellow,of a dark complexion, about five feet ten inches high,of a thin visage, about twenty-seven years of age,SPEAKS VERY PROPER, and may pass for a freeman.He had on when he went away, oznaburg overalls anda white shirt, with a brown negro cloth coat, andcorduroy waistcoat, faced with green on the pockets,also a blue surtoutt, lined with green boise.

All masters of vessels are requested not to carryhim off the State; and a reward of Twenty Dollarswill be given to any person who will deliver him tothe Master of the Work-house, or to

THOMAS WARING.
August 3.

City Gazette and Daily Advertiser(Charleston, S.C.), Aug. 18, 1800.

FIVE DOLLARS REWARD

Absented himself from the Subscriber’s plantation,in St. Thomas Parish, the 15th ult. BUTLER.He is a thin black fellow, about five feet seven incheshigh, and about 26 years of age, is remarkably civilwhen spoken to, AND SPEAKS VERY GOOD ENGLISH; is somethingof a shoemaker; he has of late threatened to go andsee his mother, who belongs to the state of gen.Greene, and lives on one of his plantations in theState of Georgia, where it is probable he is gone;he also has a wife in Charleston, who works at theDistillery, (formerly Mr. Fitzsimmon’s) wherehe may be concealed by her. The above rewardwill be paid to any person who will deliver him tothe Master of the Work-House, or to the Subscriberin Boundary Street.

N.B. If the above Negro Fellow is taken up inthe country, Ten Dollars will be paid, and all reasonabletraveling expenses.

THOMAS WIGFALL.
October 1.

City Gazette and Daily Advertiser(Charleston, S.C.) Oct. 3, 1800.

ADVERTISEMENT

Confined in Barnwell Gaol, on the 21st day of July1802; two NEGRO FELLOWS, Jacob and Enox. JACOBis about five feet ten inches high and very trim built,about twenty-one years of age, SPEAKS PLAIN ENGLISH,is a good deal scared on the back, has some very goodclothes, such as a blue coat, new lining shirt, whiteribbed stockings, several waistcoats, pair of stripedoveralls, two blankets, and several other things notworth mentioning; and upon examination says he wasborn in Virginia and was brought from thence by JohnFellows, and sold by John Eaves, in the State of Georgia,on the South of Ogeehie, from whom he has absconded.

Enox is spare built and low in stature, appears tobe about twenty-five years of age, SPEAKS ENGLISH,THOUGH SOMEWHAT NEGROISH had a white plain coat andhome spun jacket and overalls; and upon examinationsays he belongs to James Hogg, about fourteen milesbelow Coosawhatchie Court House.

WILLIAM GOODE, Gaoler,
Barnwell District.

City Gazette and Daily Advertiser,Aug. 12, 1802.

RUN away from Sassafras River on the 9th of November,a lusty Negro Man, named Prince, about 25 Years old,full faced and pitted with the Small Pox, AND SPEAKSENGLISH. He had on when he went away, a home spunKersey Jacket blue Waistcoat under it, Oznabrigs shirt,new shoes, and old Yarn Stockings: He pretendsto have a certificate for his Freedom, which is supposedhe had from one of the Sailors on board of the Vesselhe ran from.

Whoever takes up the said Negro and brings him tothe Printers at Annapolis or to the Subscriber atSassafras, shall have four Pistoles Reward and necessarycharges, paid by

SAMUEL ALLYNE.

N.B. It is probable he is in Baltimore or someother part of the Western Shore as he went away ina Canoe.

LEARNING TO READ AND WRITE

RUN away on the 4th Inst., at Night from James Leonardin Middlesex County East-New-Jersey, a Negro Man namedSimon, aged 40 years, is a well-set Fellow, about5 feet 10 inches high, has large Eyes, and a Foot 12inches long; he was bred and born in this Country,TALKS GOOD ENGLISH, CAN READ AND WRITE, is very slowin his speech, can bleed and draw Teeth * * *

Whoever takes up and secures the said Negro, so thathis Master may have him again shall have Three PoundsReward and reasonable charges, paid by

JAMES LOENARD.

The Pennsylvania Gazette, Sept.11, 1740.

RAN-away from Capt. Joseph Hale of Newbury, aNegro Man, named Cato, the 6th Instant, about22 Years of Age, short and small, SPEAKS GOOD ENGLISHAND CAN READ AND WRITE, understands farming Work carry’dwith him a striped homespun Jacket and Breeches, andTrousers, and an outer Coat and Jacket of home-madeCloth, two Pair of Shoes, sometimes wears a black Wigg,has a smooth Face, a sly Look, TOOK WITH A VIOLIN,AND CAN PLAY WELL THEREON. Had with him threeLinnen Shirts, home-made pretty fine yarn Stockings.Whoever shall bring said Negro to his Master or securehim so that he may have him again shall have fivePounds Reward and all necessary Charges paid byme.

JOSEPH HALE.

Newbury, July 8th, 1745.

The Boston Gazette or Weekly Journal,July 9, 1745.

RAN-away from his Master Eleazer Tyng, Esq at Dunstable,on the 26th May past, a Negro Man Servant call’dRobbin, almost of the Complexion of an Indian, shortthick square shoulder’d Fellow, a very shortNeck, and thick Legs, about 28 Years old, TALKS GOODENGLISH, CAN READ AND WRITE, and plays on the Fiddle;he was born at Dunstable *** Whoever will apprehendsaid Negro and secure him, so that his Master mayhave him again, or bring him to the Ware-House ofMessiers Alford and Tyng in Boston, shall have a rewardof Ten Pounds, old Tenor, and all reasonable Charges.

N.B. And all Masters of Vessels or others arehereby cautioned against harbouring, concealing orcarrying off said Servant, on Penalty of the law.

The New York Gazette Revived in theWeekly Post-Boy, July 18, 1748.

RAN away from the Subscriber, the 20th of Novemberlast, living on Patuxent River, near UpperMarlborough, in Prince George’s County,a dark Mulatto Man, named Sam, about 5 feet9 or 10 Inches high, about 30 Years of Age, a Carpenterby Trade, has a down Look, and low Voice. Hadon when he went away a new Cotton Jacket and Breeches,and osnabrigs Shirt; he is supposed to have takenwith him, one Cotton Coat lined with blue, one redWaistcoat and Breeches, one blue Silk Coat, one lightCloth Coat, some fine Shirts, and one or two goodHats. He is supposed to be lurking in CharlesCounty near Bryan-Town, where a MulattoWoman lives, whom he has for some Time called hisWife; BUT AS HE IS AN ARTFUL FELLOW, AND CAN READAND WRITE, it is probable he may endeavour to makehis Escape out of the Province.

Whoever takes up the said Runaway, and secures himso as his Masters may get him again, shall have, iftaken out of this Province, Three Pounds; and if withinthis Province, Forty Shillings, besides what the Lawallows paid by

WILLIAM DIGGES, JUNIOR.

The Maryland Gazette, Feb. 27,1755.

RAN away from Jonathan Sergeant, at Newark, in New-Jersey,A young negro man, named Esop, of middle size, withround forehead, strait nose, and a down guilty look;HE CAN WRITE, AND IT IS LIKELY HE MAY HAVE A COUNTERFEITPASS: Had with him a beaver hat, light grey linsey-wolseyjacket, two trowsers, new pumps, and an old purplecoloured waist coat. It is supposed he went awayin company with a white man, named John Smith, whois an old lean, tall man, with a long face and nose,and strait brown hair; who had on an old faded snuff-colouredcoat. Whoever takes up and secures said man andNegro, so that their master may have them again, shallhave Forty Shillings reward for each and all reasonableCharges, paid by

JONATHAN SERGEANT.

The Pennsylvania Gazette, Aug.28, 1755.

FORTY DOLLARS REWARD

And all reasonable charges shall be paid to any Personthat secures and brings to William Kelly, of the Cityof New York, merchant a Negro man named Norton Minors,who ran away from his masters Messrs. Bodkin and Ferrallof the Island of St. Croix, on the 1st day of Julylast; is by trade a Caulker and ship-carpenter; haslived at Newbury, in New-England; was the propertyof Mr. Mark Quane, who sold him to Mr. Craddock ofNevis, from whom the above gentlemen bought him aboutthree years ago; is about 5 feet 8 inches high; ageabout 37 years; SPEAKS GOOD ENGLISH, CAN READ ANDWRITE; AND IS A VERY SENSIBLE FELLOW: And hismasters suspect he came off in the sloop Boscawen,Andrew Ford, Master, who sailed from the above Islandthe very day this fellow eloped, bound for Louisbourg.

The New York Gazette, Nov. 10,1760.

RAN AWAY on the 9th Instant, October, in the Morningfrom the Subscriber, a Negro Man named JACK, a wellset Fellow, about 5 feet 8 Inches high, full fac’d,much pitted with the Small-pox, snuffles when he speaks,READS ENGLISH, PRETENDS MUCH TO UNDERSTAND THE SCRIPTURES.Had on when he went away a Pair of Course Trowsers,stripped Jacket, and a Frock over it. Whoevertakes up said Fellow and brings him to the subscribershall have FORTY SHILLINGS and all reasonableCharges paid.—­All Masters of Vessels &c.are desired not to harbour him, or carry him off, ashe or they may depend on being prosecuted as the Lawdirects.

MANUEL MYERS,

Linging in Stone Street.

The New York Gazette, Nov. 10,1760.

RAN AWAY in August last from the Subscriber, livingin Northampton County, Virginia, a Molatto Man Slave,about Five Feet Nine Inches high, and hath a largeScar on one Side of his Face. IT IS PROBABLE HEWILL ENDEAVOUR TO PASS FOR A FREE MAN, AS HE CAN WRITE.Whoever takes up, and secures the said slave, so thatthe Subscriber can have him again, shall have TWENTYDOLLARS; and if delivered to me, at Northampton, FORTYDOLLARS Reward paid by

MICHAEL CHRISTIAN.

The Maryland Gazette, Oct. 27,1769.

St. Mary’s County, January 16, 1776.

TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD

Ran away from the subscriber near Chaptico, the 4thinstant, a small Negro Man named Dickison,otherwise Joe, he has been frequently used toboth names, he is about 5 feet 2 or 3 inches high:Had on when he went away three country cloth jackets,the under one lappelled and checked, another stripedin length, the other warped with white and filled withblack, his breeches the same, country shoes and stockings,felt hat half worn; he took with him a mill-bag halfworn: It is likely he may have changed his nameand cloths, HE IS A VERY ARTFUL FELLOW AND CAN READ,and likely may endeavour to pass for a freeman.Any person bringing him home, or securing him so ashis master may get him again, shall receive if outof the Province the above reward; if sixty miles fromhome Five Pounds, if taken in the county or at a smalldistance Three Pounds and all reasonable charges,paid by

THOMAS NICHOLS.

Dunlap’s Maryland Gazette orThe Baltimore General Advertiser,
July 23, 1776.

Perry-Hall, Baltimore County, Sept. 13, 1785.

FORTY DOLLARS REWARD, for apprehending and deliveringto the suscriber, Negro Will. He left my servicethe 3rd inst., is short and well made, has remarkablysmall hands and feet, about 26 years of age, has alarge beard for a Negro. HE ATTEMPTS TO READAND WRITE, BUT HE PERFORMS VERY IMPERFECTLY.HE IS BY TRADE A BLACKSMITH; HAS DROVE A CARRIAGE,CAN SHAVE AND DRESS HAIR, AND IS A COBBLING SHOEMAKER.

He is fond of strong liquor and when intoxicated isvery quarrelsome. The above-described ungratefulrogue I manumitted some years past, with a number ofother slaves, who were free at different periods,and I am apprehensive he has got one of their discharges.He is not free by manumission till next Christmas,and from that time he was to serve me 6 months, byagreement, for the expenses of a former elopement,about two years past, which cost me upwards of TwentyPounds.

H. D. GOUGH.

The Maryland Journal and BaltimoreAdvertiser, Sept. 20, 1785.

RANAWAY on the Monday the 7th of June, a likely mulattoman named Francis, of a middle stature; he is about25 years old, has a small scar on one of his cheeks,and some time ago received a fall from a horse, whichhas caused the skin about one of his eyes to be somewhatdarker than the rest of his face. HE CAN WRITEA PRETTY GOOD HAND; PLAYS ON THE FIFE EXTREMELY WELL,and is an incomparable good house servant He had whenhe left home, 6 good linen shirts, a fine new brownbroad cloth coat, a green shaggy jacket, breechesof several kinds, with shoe-boots and shoes. Ido suppose that he intends to ship himself for Europeor elsewhere. I therefore forewarn all mastersand captains of vessels as well as all other persons,from having any thing to say to the servant above described,and will give a reward of Five Guineas to any Personor Persons who will either deliver him to me in Halifaxtown, North Carolina, or secure him in any jail sothat I get him again.

HALCOT B. PRIDE.
June 24, 1790.

The Norfolk and Portsmouth Chronicle,July 10, 1790.

100 DOLLARS REWARD

Run away from the subscriber the 9th inst., a negroman slave named Will about 40 years of age 5 feet8 or 10 inches high; has two remarkable scars on hisbreast and is much scarified about the neck and throat,caused by a disorder he was cured of some years ago;CAN READ A LITTLE, and a very dissembling fellow.He took with him sundry cloaths, among which are ablue cotton coat, with metal buttons, a striped jacket,a pair of blue cotton, and a pair of corduroy breeches.It is probable he will endeavor to pass for a freeman,and try to get on board some vessel; all masters ofvessels are hereby forewarned from carrying him off.Whoever will deliver the said slave to me in Southamptoncounty, near South Quay, or secure him in any gaol,so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward.

SAMUEL BROWNE.
Feb. 25, 1791.

The Norfolk and Portsmouth Chronicle,March 19, 1791.

TEN DOLLARS REWARD

Absconded from my service on Tuesday evening, the10th instant, a black Negro Man, named Manuel, bytrade a blacksmith, about 21 Years of age, 5 feet7 or 8 inches high, of a strong lusty make, full faced,and somewhat round shouldered; he is sober and intelligentand CAN BOTH READ AND WRITE. He had on and tookwith him, a grey cloth coat, an old short grey nappeddo., one pair nankeen breeches and vest, and one pairof corduroy breeches, and black vest. Whoeverapprehends and brings home the above described Manuel,shall have the above reward.

ADAM FONERDEN.
Sept. 12, 1793.

The Maryland Journal and BaltimoreAdvertiser, Oct. 1, 1793.

RAN AWAY

On the 25th ultimo, from the subscriber, living nearCulpepper Court-house, A Negro Man named JACK,about 30 years old, 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high, verymuscular, full faced, wide nostrils, large eyes, adown look, speaks slowly and wore his hair cued; hadon when he eloped, a white shirt, grey broad clothcoat, mixed cassimere waistcoat and breeches, a brownhat, faced underneath with green, and a pair of boots.He formerly belonged to Mr. Augustin Baughan,of Fredericksburg, now of Baltimore, and I am toldwas seen making for Alexandria, with the intentionof taking the stage thither: HE IS ARTFUL CANBOTH READ AND WRITE AND IS A GOOD FIDDLER; it is thereforeprobable that he may attempt a forgery and pass asa free man. He is most commonly known by thename of Jack Taylor, was originally from EssexCounty, has a father living there, and it is said hehas a wife, the property of Mrs. Dalrymple of Dumfries.Whoever secures him in any jail so that I get himagain shall have Ten Dollars Reward, and if taken abovesixty and not more than one hundred miles distant,and brought home, shall receive Twelve Dollars, andfor any greater distance, Fifteen Dollars, with allreasonable expenses borne. Masters of Vesselsand stage drivers are forewarned carrying him outof the State, under penalty of the law.

CARTER BEVERLEY.

The Virginia Herald (Fredericksburg),Jan. 21, 1800.

TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD

Ran-away from the Subscriber’s plantation atPonpon, about the beginning of last September, a youngMulatto Fellow named CYRUS, about five feetsix or seven inches high, 25 years old, very shortand strong built. The said fellow is very wellknown about town, as he served four years apprenticeshipto Mr. Donaldson, house carpenter. IT IS PROBABLETHAT HE HAS FORGED A PASS FOR HIMSELF, AS HE WRITES;he sometimes calls himself James and says he belongsto Mr. Savage. Any person apprehending and deliveringhim to the Master of the Work House, or at the Subscriber’son South Bay, shall receive the above reward and allreasonable expenses paid

THOMAS OSBORN.

The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser(Charleston), March 7, 1801.

EIGHT HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD

Montgomery County, near Sugar Loaf
Mountain, Oct. 10, 1780.

Ran away, from the Subscriber, the 23rd of Septemberlast, a Negro Man named Frederick, about 26 yearsof age, about 6 feet high, and is a black countryborn likely well-set fellow. Had on, when he wentaway, a coarse shirt and short trousers; and carriedwith him, one old lightish-coloured lagathee or duroypatched coat, with a slit on the shoulders, one pairof black everlasting breeches, one pair of white cottonditto, patched and darned before, one pair of whitecorded linen ditto, one striped linsey jacket, withsleeves, one linen ditto, without sleeves, one pairwhite yarn stockings, one pair of shoes and buckles,AND A TESTAMENT AND HYMN BOOK. HE CAN READ PRINT,IS VERY SENSIBLE AND ARTFUL, delights much in traffic,and it is probable he will change his name and cloaths,and endeavour to pass for a freeman. Whoevertakes up said Negro and secures him, so that I gethim again, shall receive One Hundred and Fifty PoundsReward; if 30 miles from home, One hundred TwentyFive Pounds, and so on in proportion as far as theabove Reward, paid by

JOHN WILSON.

The Maryland Journal and BaltimoreAdvertiser, Oct. 17, 1780.

RAN away from the subscribers living near the QueenTree, St. Mary’s County, on the fifth day ofthe present month, being Easter Sunday, the followingthree negro men, viz.

George, the property of John Edeley, aged twenty-threeyears, of a dark complexion, about six feet high,fleshy and well looking; had on when he went away,a blue great coat, a good ruffled shirt, a pair ofcountry linen trousers, his other cloaths are uncertain.

David, the property of Nathaniel Ewing, aged abouttwenty-one years, five feet seven inches high, ofa dark complexion, well made, has a burn on one ofhis arms near the shoulder, a sharp nose; had on whenhe went away a dark coloured cloth coat, whitish breeches,Irish linen shirt, old boots, a new hat with a blackribbon around the crown, other cloaths uncertain.

Charles, the property of Cornelius Wildman, aged abouttwenty-six years, five feet seven inches high, darkcomplexion, down looking fellow, thick lips; had onwhen he went away a cotton and woolen country coat,a striped silk jacket, a pair of white breeches andstockings, a new wool hat with a ribbon around it.IT IS PROBABLE THAT THESE FELLOWS WILL ATTEMPT TO GETTO PENNSYLVANIA, AS DAVID HAS ONCE BEEN THERE WITHHIS MASTER; IT IS ALSO APPREHENDED THAT THEY MAY HAVESUPPLIED THEMSELVES WITH PASSES EITHER FROM SOME ILL-DESIGNINGWHITE PERSON, OR THAT GEORGE HAS CONTRIVED TO EXECUTESOME KIND OF PASSES HIMSELF, AS HE CAN READ WRITING,ALSO WRITE SOME LITTLE. We are likewise of theopinion they may endeavour to pass by the name ofBUTLER, as George had some time in his possession beforehe went off a pass granted to CLEM BUTLER, who wasa free negro, from which it is likely he might takecopies. Whoever takes up and secures said Negroslaves in any gaol, so that their masters may get themagain, shall receive TWENTY FOUR DOLLARS, includingwhat the law allows for the three Negroes or the sumof EIGHT DOLLARS, also including what the law allows,for either of them.

April 11, 1795.

JOHN EDELEY
NATHANIEL EWING
CORNELIUS WILDMAN.

The Maryland Gazette, May 21, 1795.

FORTY DOLLARS REWARD

Ran away from the subscriber living near Staffordcourt-house in the commonwealth of Virginia, aboutthe middle of May last, a Negro fellow named JACK,about five feet eight or nine inches high, nineteenyears old, thick made and well set, stoops in theshoulders, and his complexion black, has a remarkablescar on the top of one of his feet, but I forget whetherright or left; he carried with him the following cloaths,a greenish coloured great coat of elastic cloth, withbuff cuffs and cape, a white casimer vest and breeches,a brown cloth vest, and a calico vest, but these hemay change for other cloaths; this negro lately belongedto the estate of Mr. Thomas Stone, in Charles County,Maryland, and may pass himself for one of the Thomasfamily of negroes belonging to the said estate, whomade pretention to their freedom, but the fallacyof the attempt may be easily detected, as he is quiteblack, whereas the Thomas family are all of mulattocolour; HE CAN ALSO READ A LITTLE. I suspect heis lurking about Baltimore or Annapolis; his motheris in the former city, who is also a runaway, andnamed Rachel. I will give the above reward offifty dollars to any person who will deliver him tome at my place of residence, or forty dollars forsecuring him in any gaol so that I may get him again.

TRAVERS DANIEL, JUN.
Stafford County, Virginia, Oct. 28, 1797.

The Maryland Gazette, January 4,1798.

EIGHTY DOLLARS REWARD

RAN AWAY from the subscriber’s farm about sevenmiles from Annapolis, on Wednesday the 5th instant,two slaves, Will and Tom; they are brothers.Will, a straight tall well made fellow, upwards ofsix feet high, he is generally called black, but hasrather a yellowish complexion, by trade a carpenterand cooper, and in general capable of the use of toolsin almost any work; saws well at the whip saw, aboutthirty years of age, when he speaks quick he stammersa little in his speech. Tom a stout well madefellow, a bright mulatto, twenty-four years of age,and about five feet nine or ten inches high; he isa complete hand at plantation work, and can handletools pretty well. Their dress at home, upperjackets lined with flannel, and overalls of a drabcolour, but they have a variety of other clothing,and it is supposed they will not appear abroad in whatthey wear at home. WILL WRITES PRETTY WELL, ANDIF HE AND HIS BROTHER ARE NOT FURNISHED WITH PASSESFROM OTHERS, THEY WILL NOT BE AT A LOST FOR THEM, BUTUPON PROPER EXAMINATION MAY BE DISCOVERED TO BE FORGED.These people it is imagined, are gone for Baltimoretown as Tom has a wife living there with Mr. ThomasEdwards. For taking up and securing the two fellowsin the gaol of Baltimore town, or any other gaol,so that I get them again, shall receive a reward ofeighty dollars, and for either forty dollars.

Annapolis, April 10, 1797.

THOMAS HOWARD.

The Maryland Gazette, Feb. 1, 1798.

200 DOLLARS REWARD

Run away in the spring of the last year, from thisplace, a Young fellow belonging to me, named John,sometimes called Johnson, at times calling himselfJohn Hill, at other times John Howe. This fellowis about 5 feet 5 inches high, 23 years old, and isof a dull copper-colour, being the son of a mulattoman and negro woman; his features are generally ugly;his eyes remarkably large and prominent; he is sensibleand shrewd, civil in his manners, and plausible inconversation; he served his time with a cabinet maker,and has worked as journeyman with a Windsor Chair-maker;he is very ingenious, and well acquainted with theuse of the joiners tools. JOHN READS AND I BELIEVECAN WRITE A LITTLE. He probably made some oneof the Northern ports the place of his destination,or perhaps Charleston. I will pay the above rewardto any person who will deliver John to me or to theJailor in this place.

W. H. HILL.

The Charleston Courier, June 29,1803.

EDUCATED NEGROES

RAN AWAY ON SATURDAY NIGHT LAST, FROM Moorhall inChester County, a Mulatto Man Slave, aged about 22,has a likely whitish countenance, of a middle Stature;having on a chocolate coloured Cloth coat, Linnen Waistcoat,Leather Breeches, grey Stockings, a Pess-burnt Wig,and a good Hat; has with him several white Shirts,and some Money: HE SPEAKS SWEDE AND ENGLISH WELL.Whoever secures the said Slave, so that his Mastermay have him again, shall be very handsomely Rewarded,and all reasonable Charges paid by

WILLIAM MOORE.

Wilmington, N.C., June 10, 1803.

The Pennsylvania Gazette, July31, 1740.

RUN AWAY THE 23RD OF AUGUST, FROM his master PhilipFrench of New Brunswick, in East-New-Jersey, a NegroMan Claus, of middle Stature yellowish complexion,about 44 Years of Age, SPEAKS DUTCH AND GOOD ENGLISH.

PHILIP FRENCH.

The Pennsylvania Gazette, Sept.24, 1741.

RUN AWAY THE 15TH OF MAY FROM John Williams, of TrentonFerry, a Negro Man, named James Bell, about 30 Yearsof Age, middle stature, SPEAKS VERY GOOD ENGLISH,AND VERY FLUENT IN HIS TALK; he formerly belonged toSlator Clay.

JOHN WILLIAMS.

The Pennsylvania Gazette, June21, 1744.

Philadelphia May 29, 1746.

RUN away the 2nd Instant, from John Pawling, at Perkiomen,a likely lusty, Negroe Man, named Toney, 6 Foot high,about 24 Years of Age, and SPEAKS GOOD ENGLISH ANDHIGH DUTCH. Had on when he went away, a stripedLinsey Woolsey Jacket, Tow Shirt and Trowsers, anold Felt Hat. Whoever takes up and secures saidNegroe, so that his Master may have him again shallhave Twenty-five Shillings Reward, and reasonableCharges, paid by

JOHN PAWLING.

The Pennsylvania Gazette, June5, 1746.

RAN AWAY about the Middle of July last from the subscriber,living in King’s County, Long Island, a NegroMan named Jack, he is about 35 Years of Age, slimmade, about 5 Feet 8 Inches in height, SPEAKS GOODENGLISH AND DUTCH, and has been used to attendinga Grist-Mill.—­Whoever secures him in anygaol or brings him to me shall be rewarded, and allreasonable Charges paid by

New York, August 15, 1766.
ABRAHAM SCHENK.

The New York Gazette or the WeeklyPost-Boy, Aug. 21, 1766.

THREE GUINEAS REWARD

Ran-away from the subscriber on Wednesday eveninglast, a Mulato Fellow named Harry (sometimes callshimself Waters), speaks good English and tolerableGerman, he is about five feet 8 inches high, well made,and about 25 years of age, has taken away with him,a blue broadcloth coat, with a red cape, a pair ofblue Negro Cloth trowsers and a short jacket, withoznaburg jacket and trowsers, much stained with tar.AS HE IS A SMART SENSIBLE FELLOW, HE MAY PROBABLYPASS FOR A FREEMAN. A Reward of Three Guineaswill be given to any person who will deliver the saidfellow to the Warden of the Work-house, or to thesubscriber in Charleston.

GEORGE DENER.

N.B. Captains of Vessels and others are cautionedfrom carrying off, or concealing the said Mulatto,as they may depend upon being treated with the utmostrigour of the law.—­If he returns of hisown accord he will be forgiven.

Feb. 11, 1786.

The State Gazette of South Carolina,Feb. 20, 1786.

ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD

Ran away from Elk Forge Caecil County, Maryland, onthe 2nd inst., Aug. 1784, Negro George about 35 or40 years of age 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, slenderbodied, thin visage, not very black, PLAUSIBLE, ANDCOMPLACENT; CAN SPEAK PRETTY GOOD ENGLISH, A LITTLEFRENCH, AND A FEW WORDS OF HIGH DUTCH, HAS BEEN INTHE WEST INDIES AND IN CANADA, AND HE WAS FORMERLYA WAITING MAN TO A GENTLEMEN, HAS THEREBY HAD AN OPPORTUNITYOF GETTING ACQUAINTED WITH THE DIFFERENT PARTS OFAMERICA. His chief employ, lately, has been inthe kitchen and at cooking, at which he is very complete:is also a barber. He has a variety of cloathswith him, and probably may procure a pass. ’Tisthought he will endeavour to get off by water; therefore,all concerned in that way are desired to take notice.Whoever will secure said fellow in any gaol and givenotice to the subscriber, so that he may have himagain, shall receive the above reward, and reasonablecharges if brought home.

THOMAS MAY.

The Maryland Gazette, August 19,1784.

TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD

Ran-away on Saturday the 23rd March, LEWIS, well knownin this city where he has been a Hair Dresser theseseveral years, is of a good size, a stout well-madefellow, well-featured, and between 24 and 25 yearsof age, SPEAKS BOTH FRENCH AND ENGLISH FLUENTLY, ISVERY ARTFUL, AND WILL PROBABLY ATTEMPT TO PASS ASA FREEMAN.

Whoever will apprehend him and deliver him to theMaster of the Work-house, in Charleston, or to anyof the gaolers in this State, shall be entitled toa Reward of Twenty Dollars, and all reasonable expenses.

All Masters of Vessels and others are forbid employing,harbouring or carrying him off, as on conviction theywill be prosecuted to the extent of the law.

Apply to the Printers of the City Gazette.

April 1, 1799.

The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser,April 1, 1799.

CITY SHERIFF’S SALE

Will be sold before the Store of Messrs. Aerstein& Co., on Thursday next the 10th inst., at twelveo’clock, a valuable negro named WILL about 22years of age; he is well adopted for a Waiting Manfor a single gentleman who travels or as a Stewardof a Ship of Packet. HE SPEAKS FRENCH AND SPANISH,READS AND WRITES and never known to be guilty of anymean or bad tricks which blacks in common are addictedto, such as pilfering or drinking. His deportmentis agreeable and polite. Seized by virtue of anexecution for Drain Assessment and Arrearages of Taxes,and to be sold as the Property of Col. ALEXANDERMOULTRIE.

Condition, cash payable in dollars, at 4s 8d, theproperty not to be altered until the terms are compliedwith.[1]

ALSO WILL BE SOLD.—­

A few articles of Household Furniture as theproperty of the estate of James Paterson, deceased,for arrearages of State and City Taxes. Condition,cash, purchasers to pay for Sheriff’s bills ofsale.

City Sheriff’s Office, Jan. 4.
J. H. STEVENS,
City Sheriff.

City Gazette & Daily Advertiser,Jan. 5, 1799.

FOOTNOTE:

[1] This advertisementappears also under another heading.

TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD

For Jack who has again run-away.

The subscriber’s servant Jack, who calls himselfJohn Leech, again absconded last night. He isa short well made young Mulatto, probably about fivefeet five inches high, about twenty-five years of age,and plausible; he has a thick bushy head of hair,like a negro’s; thick lips, a film on his lefteye, over which he sometimes wears a peace of greensilk. He belonged when he was a child, to thelate Ephraim Mitchell, esq. deceased, and afterwardsto Francis Bremar, esq. from whom the subscriber boughthim.

He is well acquainted all over the state, having waitedupon his former masters when traveling, and also uponthe subscriber when he went on the Circuits.HE CAN WRITE HIMSELF AND MAY FORGE A PASS OR CERTIFICATEOF FREEDOM. He had on, when he went off, a pairof overalls, and waistcoat of servant’s clothof a light grey mixed colour almost new, and carriedseveral changes with him nearly of the same colour,and several coatees like them, with capes, cuffs and

welts to the pockets of green cloth; but he may changehis clothes; he also carried away a great coat of adrab colour spotted. He may go to Goose-creekor to the vicinity of Belville, Statesburg or Columbia,or attempt to go to the northward, but if its mostsuspected, that he will endeavour to get on board ofsome vessel. Whoever will deliver him to thesubscriber, or to the Master of the Work-house orlodge him in any gaol of the State, shall receive theabove reward, and if he should be harboured by anyone that the reward will be doubled upon the harbourersbeing prosecuted to conviction by the informer.All Masters of Vessels and others are warned againstemploying him or carrying him out of the city.

LEWIS TREZVANT.

The Carolina Gazette, Feb. 4, 1802.

SLAVES IN GOOD CIRCUMSTANCES

TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD

Ran away from Mr. Davis Stone in Loudoun County, Virginia,on Saturday the 19th ult., a Virginia-born NEGRO MAN,named WILL between 51/2 and six feet high, stout madetwenty seven years old, of a black, complexion, roundshouldered and down look, when spoken to is apt togrin, is an artful sensible fellow, much accustomedto driving a wagon, is good at any kind of plantationbusiness, tolerably ingenious, and I am informed, hasa pass; had on, and took with him one white hat, onewhite cassimere coat, a little worn, one blue broadclothditto, almost new, a drab coloured coat and breeches,quite new, one red waistcoat, one cassimere ditto,one striped ditto, one pair cassimere breeches, apair of fustian ditto, several shirts, both coarseand fine, one pair of mixed yarn stockings, blue andwhite, shoes with buckles, and the soles are nailed;it is probable that he may change his clothes, ASHE HAS PLENTY OF MONEY. Whoever takes up thesaid fellow and secures him in any gaol, so that Imay get him again or deliver him to me near the FallsChurch shall receive the above Reward and all reasonablecharges, paid by

JOHN DULIN.

N.B. He crossed the ferry at Elk Ridge-Landingon his way to Baltimore, on Sunday the third instant.

—­> All masters of vessels and others areforewarned from harbouring him, at their peril.

Nov. 5, 1793.

The Maryland Journal and BaltimoreAdvertiser, Nov. 5, 1793.

Sixteen Dollars Reward

Ran away, from the subscriber, on Monday evening last,a NEGRO LAD, named TOWER, about 18 or 19 years ofage, 5 feet 3 or 4 inches high, rather square or heavyin his built, somewhat bow legged, and walks with aconsiderable swing, has a full round face and thicklips, talks slow and not very plain. Had on andtook with him, a green broadcloth coat, almost new,a new striped jacket, with sleeves in the fashion ofa sailor’s, a striped crossbarred printed-cottonvest of an olive colour, buckskin breeches, and stripedsilk and cotton hose; BUT AS HE IS KNOWN TO HAVE TAKENA CONSIDERABLE SUM OF MONEY WITH HIM, it is probablethat he may change his clothes. Whoever bringshome said negro, or secures him in gaol, shall receivethe above Reward and all reasonable charges.

It is supposed that he will try to go to Philadelphia;and as he speaks a little French and is known to haveput a striped ribbon round his hat, it is probablethat he will attempt to pass as one who lately camein the street from Cape Francois.

N.B. All Masters of vessels and others, are cautionedagainst taking him at their peril.

Baltimore, Sept. 19, 1793.
DAVID HARRIS.

The Maryland Journal and the BaltimoreAdvertiser, Sept. 20, 1793.

FIFTEEN DOLLARS REWARD

Ran away on the 20th instant, from the subscriber,living in Patapsco Neck, a NEGRO MAN named SALISBURY,but may assume some other name; he is about 21 yearsof age; 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, stout and well made,has a smiling countenance and very thick lips; hehas lately been under the doctor’s hands fora sore on his right arm, which he generally carriesin his bosom: Had on and took with him a bluebroadcloth coat with yellow buttons, a fustian jacket,a red and white striped do., a coarse and white countrycloth upper-jacket, and breeches, a pair of nankeendo., a white shirt and an oznaburg do., with a pairof good shoes. AS I EXPECT HE HAS A SUM OF MONEYWITH HIM, PROBABLY HE MAY GET SOME ONE TO FORGE A PASSFOR HIM, AND PASS AS A FREE MAN. Whoever takesup said NEGRO and secures him in any Gaol, so thatI may get him again, shall have the above reward, andreasonable charges, if brought home, paid by

Robuck Lynch.

N.B. All masters of vessels, and others, areforewarned at their peril not to harbour or concealsaid Negro.

Baltimore County, May 25, 1793.

The Maryland Journal and BaltimoreAdvertiser, June 11, 1793.

Ran away from the subscriber living in Annapolis,on the 24th of May, a Negro man named Willis Bowzer,about thirty-four years of age, a full faced welllooking fellow, who had the small pox in March last,and is much marked with it, he is very remarkableabout the ancles and feet, his ancles look as theyhad been hurt, they turn in looked swelled with knotson them, his feet are flat, or rather round insteadof hollow; he is about five feet ten or eleven incheshigh, has a flat nose, and is a smooth spoken fellow;he appears to be religious and I suppose will endeavourto pass for a free man. As he has money and avariety of cloaths. Whoever takes up and securesthe said fellow, so that I get him again, shall receivea Reward of Forty Dollars.

JOHN STUART.

N.B. All masters of vessels and others, are forbidcarrying, or in any anywise harbouring, entertainingor employing the said negro at their peril.

The Maryland Gazette, June 11,1795.

NEGROES BROUGHT FROM THE WEST INDIES

Philadelphia, June 17, 1745.

RUN away from the Sloop Sparrow, lately arrived fromBarbadoes, Joseph Perry Commander, a Negro Man namedJohn; he WAS BORN IN DOMINICA AND SPEAKS FRENCH, BUTVERY LITTLE ENGLISH, he is a very ill-featured Fellow,and has been much cut in his Back by often Whipping;his Clothing was only a Frock and Trowsers. Whoeverbrings him to John Yeats, Merchants in Philadelphia,shall have Twenty Shillings Reward, and reasonableCharges, paid by

JOHN YEATS.

The Pennsylvania Gazette, July4, 1745.

RAN away, the 24th of last Month from Bennet Bard,of Burlington, a Mulatto Spanish Slave, named George,aged about 24 years, about 5 feet 10 Inches high,smooth faced, well-set, and has his Hair lately cuttoff, speaks tolerable good English, BORN AT HAVANNA,SAYS HE WAS SEVERAL YEARS WITH DON BLASS, and is agood Shoemaker. Had on when he went away a cordedDimity Waistcoat, Ozenbrigs shirt and Trowsers, noStockings, old Shoes, and a new Hat. Whoevertakes up and secures said Fellow so that his Mastermay have him again, shall have Forty Shillings Rewardand reasonable Charges paid by

BENNET BARD.

The Pennsylvania Gazette, Aug.1, 1745.

RAN AWAY on the Ninth of this instant September, fromthe subscriber, a Negroe Man, named Frank, alias Francisco,about 5 Feet 7 or 8 Inches high, well-set, about 25Years of Age, walks remarkably upright, CAN TALK BUTLITTLE ENGLISH, HAVING LIVED AMONG THE SPANIARDS, ANDTALKS IN THAT DIALECT ************** It is supposedhe is gone off in Company with a Negroe Fellow thathas been lurking about this city some Time (supposedto be a Runaway) as he was seen in Company with theNegro the Night before he went off.

THOMAS PRYOR.

The Pennsylvania Gazette, Sept.20, 1764.

RAN AWAY from the Subscriber living in New-York, theBeginning of June Inst. a Negro Fellow named Charles,about five Feet ten Inches, very black, Pock-pitted,and remarkable for his white Teeth; SPEAKS BOTH FRENCHAND ENGLISH, JAMAICA BORN, marked under his left BreastP.C. Count; had on when he went away, a brownJacket, and a blue short Waistcoat under it; a Pairof Trowsers, and a Sailor’s round Hat.—­Whoevertakes up said Negro, and secures him so that he maybe had again shall have FORTY SHILLINGS Reward andall reasonable Charges paid by

ANDREW MYER in Dock-street.

N.B. All Masters of Vessels and others are herebywarned not to carry off said Servant, at their Peril,as they will answer as the law directs.

The New York Gazette or the WeeklyPost-Boy, July 31, 1766.

Ran away about a Year ago, a Negro Man, goes by thename of Antigua George, WAS BORN IN ANTIGUA, TALKSGOOD ENGLISH, is betwixt 50 and 60 Years old, about5 Feet 5 Inches high, grey headed, and bends much inhis legs when he walks. Had on a Cotton Jacketand Breeches, Country made Shoes and Stockings, andan Osnabrigs Shirt. He has since been taken uptwice in TALBOT and made his Escape; and now imaginehe passes for a free Negro.

Whoever takes up the said Negro, if in Talbot, shallhave Twenty Shillings Reward, if brought home; ifat any farther Distance, Four Dollars Reward, andreasonable Charges if brought home, paid by the subscriberliving at Nye River.

Martha Bryan.

The Maryland Gazette, April 9,1767.

Ran away from the Subscriber, since the 22nd Julylast, a Negro fellow named Daniel. WAS BORN INTHE WEST-INDIES, SPEAKS GOOD FRENCH AND ENGLISH; isabout 5 feet high, likely face and Knock Knees.Whoever will apprehend the said fellow and take himto the Warden of the Workhouse, or to the subscriber,at No. 95 Broadstreet, shall receive a handsome reward.This is to forbid all persons whatsoever from harbouringsaid Negro, as they may depend upon being prosecutedby law.

DE L CANTREE & SELLS.

The Gazette of the State of South Carolina,Aug. 16, 1784.

TWO GUINEAS REWARD

RAN away from the Subscriber a few days ago, a tallthin Negro-man of the name of Will about 20 yearsof age, remarkable by a cut or scar on the left sideof his mouth; SPEAKS GOOD ENGLISH. THE FELLOWWAS BORN IN THE ISLAND OF ST. CHRISTOPHER and hasserved some time to cooper’s trade, as well ashaving gone several voyages to sea. He had onwhen he ran off, a speckled waistcoat and breeches,and a snuff-colourd coat; but having took all hisCloaths with him, it is probable he may have changedhis dress.

The above Reward will be paid to any person that delivershim to the Subscriber, or the Warden of the SugarHouse.—­Masters of Vessels are hereby warnedat their peril not to harbour, or to take him off.

WILLIAM MARSHALL,
No. 48 Queen Street.

The South Carolina Gazette and GeneralAdvertiser, July 10, 1784.

THIRTY DOLLARS REWARD

Ran away on Saturday last a FRENCH NEGRO WOMAN, NAMEDSOBETT, about 23 years old, marked on her breast thusAnnette Chambis, about 4 feet 4 inches high, of ayellow complexion. She is slender made, tolerablelikely, somewhat pitted with Small-pox; her hair remarkablyshort, and her clothing cannot be described.The above reward will be paid to any person or personswho will deliver said negro woman to the subscriberat the house of Mr. Changeur.

D. DAMCOURT.

The Baltimore Telegraph, Oct. 18,1796.

RAN-AWAY, a MULATTO GIRL named CATHERINE about 18years old, BY BIRTH FRENCH, but being a number ofyears in this country, has acquired the English prettyfluent. She is well known about town, therefore,this is to caution all persons from harbouring her,as they will be dealt with as the law orders in suchcase.

JACOB DE LEON.

N.B. A reward of Ten Dollars will be paid onproving where she is haboured.

The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser,March 5, 1800.

TEN DOLLARS REWARD

Run away from the subscriber, on the Euhaw, SouthCarolina, a Boy about sixteen years of age, SUPPOSEDFORMERLY FROM ST. DOMINGO. As he was purchasedfrom a Frenchman, HE MAY SPEAK FRENCH FOR WHAT I KNOW,BUT SPEAKING ENGLISH, HE STUTTERS AND STAMMERS; healso beats well upon the drum. I do forwarn allcaptains of vessels not to carry him off, or any otherpersons not to harbour him upon their peril.

ELIZABETH COLLETON.
September 11.

The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser,Sept. 18, 1800.

VARIOUS KINDS OF SERVANTS

A very likely Negro Woman to be sold, aged about 28Years, fit for Country or City Business. SHECAN CARD, SPIN, KNIT AND MILK; AND ANY OTHER COUNTRY-WORK.Whoever has a mind for the said Negro, may repair toAndrew Beadford in Philadelphia.

A Young Negro Woman to be sold by Samuel Kirk in theSecond Street, Philadelphia.

The American Weekly Mercury (Philadelphia),Oct. 26, 1721.

A Likely Negro Man about Twenty two Years of Age,speaks good English, has had the Smallpox and theMeasles, has been seven Years with a LIME BURNER:To be sold, Inquire of John Langdon, Baker, next Doorto John Clark’s at the North End, Boston.

A Likely Negro Man about Twenty-five Years of Age,has had the Small Pox, and speaks pretty good English,suitable for a Farmer, &C. To be sold. Enquireof the Printers.

The Boston Weekly News-Letter,March 21, 1734.

TO BE SOLD

A likely Young Negro Fellow, by TRADE A BRICKLAYERAND PLASTERER, has had the Small Pox. Enquireof the printer hereof.

The Pennsylvania Gazette, Jan.29, 1739.

RAN away about two months, aged 19 Negro Woman, knownby the name of Elizabeth Gregory; she was born inLong Island and has relations there and FORMERLY SERVEDIN GOVERNOR MORRIS’ FAMILY AT TRENTON; she wastaken out of prison about 18 months ago by ThomasLawrence, Esq. of whom the subscriber purchased hertime.

JOHN KEARSLEY, JUNIOR.

The Pennsylvania Gazette (No. 1090),1749.

TEN POUNDS REWARD

Fairfax County, Virginia, July 5, 1784.

Ran away from the Subscriber, about six weeks ago,two slaves, viz: DICK, a stout lusty MulattoFellow about twenty two years of age, has large featuresand eyes, and a very roguish down look; he beats adrum pretty well, is artful and plausible, and wellacquainted in most parts of Virginia and Maryland,HAVING FORMERLY WAITED UPON ME. CLEM, a well-setblack negro lad of about nineteen years of age, hasa remarkable large scar of a burn, which covers thewhole of one of his knees. ’Tis impossibleto describe their dress, as I am told they have stolena variety of cloaths since their elopement. Isuspect they have made towards Baltimore or Philadelphia,or may have got on board some bay or river craft.I will give the above reward to any person who willbring them to me in Fairfax County or secure themin any gaol, and give me notice so that I get themagain, or Five Pounds for either of them.

George Mason, Junior.

The Maryland Gazette, Aug. 26,1784.

TEN POUNDS REWARD, for apprehending and deliveringin any gaol, so that the owner gets him, a Negro ManSlave, named George, BY TRADE A BLACKSMITH. Hemade his elopement last October from Port Royal Virginia.He is a black Virginia-born, speaks plain, and isvery sensible, about 6 feet high, well made, has abrisk walk, large legs and arms, small over the belly,small face, somewhat hollow-eyed, about 28 years ofage, is fond of smoking the pipe; he was well cloathedwhen he went away, but his dress I can not describe.I expect he will change his name, pass a freeman, ANDGET EMPLOYMENT IN THE SMITH’S BUSINESS, AT WHICHHE IS A VERY GOOD HAND. The above reward willbe given, with reasonable Charges, if delivered tothe subscriber, in Port Royal Virginia.

JOSEPH TIMBERLAKE, JUNIOR.
Baltimore, Sept. 15, 1785.

The Maryland Journal and BaltimoreAdvertiser, Sept. 20, 1785.

TWO GUINEAS REWARD RUNAWAY

A stout well made Negro Fellow named BOB, about 28years of age, 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, this countryborn, rather bowlegged, sensible and artful, speaksquick, and sometimes stutters a little; HE MAY POSSIBLYHAVE A TICKET THAT I GAVE HIM TWO DAYS BEFORE HE WENTAWAY, DATED THE 6TH OF APRIL, MENTIONING HE WAS INQUEST OF A RUNAWAY, AS I DID NOT MENTION WHEN HE WASTO RETURN, HE MAY ENDEAVOUR TO PASS BY THAT; he wasseen on the road towards Goose Creek, where he hasrelations at Mr. John Parkers, and at Cane Acre, atMr. John Gough’s, at either or both places hemay be harboured, or in Charleston at Mr. BenjaminVillepontour’s, where he formerly had a wife.The above reward will be given and all reasonablecharges paid on his being delivered in St. StephensParish to Thomas Cooper.

April 13, 1786.

The State Gazette of South Carolina,May 1, 1786.

RUN-AWAY

From the Subscriber
About ten days ago
A Negro Fellow Named
BILLY

BY TRADE A TAYLOR, of a yellowish complexion, andhas a very remarkable bushy head of hair, he is wellknown about Santee, where he formerly lived, and hada wife, especially at Mr. Isaac Dubose’s andalso in Charleston, where he was worked at his tradefor four or five years past. The above fellowis very artful and plausible, and may perhaps by tellinga good tale, endeavour to pass for a freeman.A guinea reward will be paid to any person who willsecure him in the Work-house in Charleston, or deliverhim to the subscriber at Stono.

JOSEPH BEE.
March 21, 1789.

N.B. All persons whatever are hereby cautionedagainst harbouring the above fellow, as they shalland may expect to be prosecuted with the utmost rigorof the law; and in case of his not returning home withina month from this date, a reward of Five Guineas willbe paid to any person, either white or black, whowill produce his head to his said master, whose lenityand indulgence hitherto, has been the cause of hispresent desertion and ingratitude.

The Columbian Herald, April 30,1789.

FIVE DOLLARS REWARD

Absented himself from the subscriber about the 10thof April, a likely young Negro Fellow, named Carolina;HE HAS ALWAYS BEEN ACCUSTOMED TO WAIT IN THE HOUSE;he was seen in the city about ten days ago, dressedin a sailor jacket and trowsers. Carolina playsremarkably well on the violin.

The above reward will be paid to any person deliveringhim to the Master of the Work-House or at No 11 EastBay.

All Masters of vessels and others are hereby cautionedagainst carrying said Negro out of the State, as theywill, on conviction, be prosecuted to the utmost rigorof the law.

ROBERT SMITH.
June 13.

The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser,July 30, 1799.

SEVEN DOLLARS REWARD

Ran-away on Monday the 17th instant, A NEGRO MAN namedABERDEEN, is WELL KNOWN IN TOWN AS A SAWYER, was seenon Tuesday morning about three miles from town, hadon an osnaburg coatee and trowsers, and a black hat,is about five feet four or five inches high, smoothfaced, a little wide at the knees, is about fortyyears of age, speaks pretty good English, and canspeak Creole French, is of the Cromantee Country, heis very artful and may have a forged pass to wherehe intends to go, or as being free.

Whoever will deliver the said Negro to the Masterof the Work-House in Charleston, or to the Subscriber,shall receive the above reward and all reasonableCharges,

WILLIAM RESIDE.

City Gazette and Daily Advertiser,Oct. 5, 1798.

Ran-away about the 24th of June last, a MULATTO MANnamed Will, about 5 feet 10 inches high, speaks goodEnglish, was raised by Townsend, in Christ Churchparish and purchased lately from Mr. Hance Farley,CABINET MAKER, Queen Street.

L. CAMERON
SAMUEL SHAW.

The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser,July 31, 1799.

NEGRO PRIVATEERS AND SOLDIERS PRIOR TO THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION

Whereas Negro Jo (who formerly lived with Samuel Ogle,Esq; then Governor of Maryland, as his cook) about13 Months ago run away from the Subscriber, who wasthen at Annapolis, AND HAS SINCE BEEN OUT A VOYAGEIN ONE OF THE PRIVATEERS BELONGING TO PHILADELPHIA,and is returned there: These are to desire anyPerson to apprehend the said Negro, so that he maybe had again, for which on their acquainting me therewith,they shall be rewarded with the Sum of Five Pounds,current Money: Or if the said Negro will returnto me, at my House in St. Mary’s County, he shallbe kindly received, and escape all Punishment forhis Offence.

PHILIP KEY.

The Pennsylvania Gazette, Nov.7, 1745.

Philadelphia, July 3, 1746.

Run away from Samuel M’Call, jun. a Negro Man,named Tom, a very likely Fellow, about 22 or 23 Yearsof Age, about 5 Foot 10 Inches high, speaks good English,HAS BEEN A PRIVATEERING; has several good Cloaths on,with Check Shirts, some new; formerly belonged toDr. Shaw of Burlington. Whoever secures the saidNegro in any County Gaol so that his Master may havehim again, shall have a Pistole Reward and reasonableCharges paid by

SAMUEL M’CALL.

N.B. He is a sensible, active Fellow, and runswell.

The Pennsylvania Gazette, July3, 1746.

Philadelphia, June 23, 1748.

Run away from John Potts of Colebrookdale, Philadelphiacounty, Esq., about the 10th inst., a Spanish NegroFellow, named John, of middle stature, about 30 yearsof age: Had on when he went away, only a shirtand trowsers, a cotton cap, a pair of old shoes; heis a cunning fellow and subject to make game at theceremonial part of all religious worship except thatof the papists; he is proud, and dislikes to be calleda negroe, HAS FORMERLY BEEN A PRIVATEERING, and talksmuch (with a seeming pleasure) of the cruelties hethen committed. Whoever takes up said Negroe,and takes him to his Master at Colebrookdale aforesaid,or secures him in any gaol shall have Thirty Shillingreward, and reasonable charges, paid by said JohnPotts or Thomas York.

The Pennsylvania Gazette, June23, 1748.

RAN away from his Master Eleazer Tyng, Esq. atDunstable, on the 26th May past, a Negro Man ServantCall’d Robbin, almost of the complexionof an Indian, short thick square shouldered Fellow,a very short neck, and thick legs, about 28 Yearsold, talks good English, can read and write, and playson the Fiddle; he was born at Dunstable andIT IS THOUGHT HE HAS BEEN ENTIC’D TO ENLISTINTO THE SERVICE, or to go to Philadelphia:Had on when he went away, a strip’d cottonand Linnen blue and white Jacket, red Breeches withBrass Buttons, blue Yarn Stockings, a fine Shirt, andtook another of a meaner Sort, a red Cap, a BeaverHat with a mourning Weed in it, and sometimes wearsa Wig. Whoever will apprehend said Negro andsecure him, so that his Master may have him again,or bring him to the Ware-House of Messiers Alfordand Tyng, in Boston, shall have areward of Ten Pounds, old Tenor, and all reasonableCharges.

N.B. And all Masters of Vessels or othersare hereby cautioned against harbouring, concealingor carrying off said Servant, on Penalty of the Law.

The New York Gazette Revived in theWeekly Post-Boy, July 18, 1748.

N.B.N.B. This Fellow was advertised in the NewYork papers the 5th of June and in New Haven the 11thof June, 1759, was afterward taken up in Waterbury,and was put into Litchfield Gaol, from thence he wasbrought to Belford, and there made his Escape fromhis master again. Those who apprehend him aredesired to secure him in Irons. He was taken upby Moses Foot of North Waterbury in New England.It is likely that he will change his cloaths as hedid before. The Mole above mentioned is somethinglong.

N.B. By information he was in Morris County inthe Jerseys all winter AND SAID HE WOULD ENLIST INTHE PROVINCIAL SERVICE.[1]

The New York Gazette August 11,1760.

[1] This advertisementappears in full on pages 213-214.

Ran-away from his Master Mr. James Richardson of Stonington,in the County of New London, a Molatto or Mustee Servant,of about 24 Years of Age, much Pox-broken, about 6Feet high, brought up in North Kingston in Rhode IslandGovernment; AND WAS A SOLDIER LAST SUMMER: Hehad on when he went away, a Leather Jockey Cap, agood Pair of Leather Breeches, a new large DuffilCoat, of a blue Colour, a strait-bodiced ditto, a whiteBroad Cloth Coat and Jacket. Whoever will takeup said Fellow and secure him in any of his Majesty’sGaols in North America, or return him to hisMaster, shall have Twelve Dollars Reward and all necessaryCharges paid by me, JAMES RICHARDSON.

All Masters of Vessels are hereby cautioned not tocarry off said Fellow upon the Peril of the Law.

May 7, 1763.

Supplement to the Boston Evening Post,May 23, 1763.

RELATIONS BETWEEN THE SLAVES AND THE BRITISH DURING THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR

A Negro Man, by name of Jemmy now in my possession,ONE WHO FOLLOWED THE BRITISH TROOPS, and has a wifeat my house; he is about 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high,speaks well and sensible, says his master’s nameis Captain Kealing, from Yorktown, in Virginia.Any person claiming said Negro may have him, by applyingon James Island, to

JAMES WITTER.

The South Carolina Weekly Advertiser,April 2, 1783.

Brought to the Work House

A Negro Wench named Sarah, of the Popah country 5feet 1 inch high, speaks broken English, she has threeof her country marks on her cheeks, 30 or 35 yearsof age, and says her master’s is Timothy Ford,and lives near George-town; the said Wench SAID SHEWAS CARRIED OFF BY THE BRITISH TO CHARLESTON.

JOHN GERLEY WARDEN.
June 21, 1784.

The South Carolina Gazette and GeneralAdvertiser, July 27, 1784.

Brought to the Work House

A Negro Fellow named Dick of the Eoboe country, fivefeet five inches high, 35 years of age, speaks goodEnglish, says his master’s name is John Hill,and lives near New Charleston in Boston; THE SAID NEGROFELLOW WAS CARRIED OFF BY A BRITISH MAN OF WAR, TOSAVANNAH IN GEORGIA; he says his master is dead, butthat his old mistress is living:

JOHN GERLEY WARDEN.
June 21, 1784.

The South Carolina Gazette and GeneralAdvertiser, July 24, 1784.

“The following is a List of Two Hundred andForty-one Negroes that were taken off AT THE EVACUATIONOF CHARLESTON, in one transportship the Scimtar. Theywere put on board by Colonel Muncreef and carried toST. LUCIA. Their families were also carried offat the same time in different vessels."[1]

The Gazette of the State of South Carolina,
November 22 and December6, 1784.

[1] The list isnot given here for the reason that the names are not
written in full.They are such as: “Cato,” “Pompey,”“Cicero,” “Sam,”
etc.

RELATIONS BETWEEN THE SLAVES AND THE FRENCH DURING THE COLONIAL WARS

RUN-AWAY the 2nd of July from Richard Colegate, ofKent County on Delaware, a Molatto Man, named JamesWenyam, of Middle Stature, about 37 Years of Age,has a red Beard a Scar on one Knee: Had on whenhe went away, a Kersey Jacket, a Pair of Plain Breeches,a Tow Shirt, and a Felt Hat. He swore when hewent away to a Negro Man, whom he wanted to go withhim, that he had often been in the back Woods withhis Master, AND THAT HE WOULD GO TO THE FRENCH ANDINDIANS AND FIGHT FOR THEM. Whoever secures thesaid Molatto Man, and gives Notice thereof to his Master,or to Abraham Gooding, Esq.; or to the High Sheriffof New Castle County, so that his Master may havehim again, shall have Three Pounds Reward, and reasonableCharges, paid by

RICHARD COLEGATE.

The Pennsylvania Gazette, July31, 1746.

TEN PISTOLES REWARD

Kent County Maryland, March 19, 1755.

Whereas there were several Advertisements, (some ofwhich were printed, and others of the same Significationwritten), dispersed through this Province, describingand offering a Reward of Two Pistoles, &c. for takingup a Servant Man, named James Francis, and a MulattoMan Slave call’d Tobby, both belonging to thesubscriber; and ran away on the 11th Instant:***********

That this Slave shou’d run away and attemptgetting his liberty, is very alarming, as he has alwaysbeen too kindly used, if any Thing, by his Master,and one in whom his Master has put great Confidence,and depended on him to overlook the rest of the Slaves,and he had no Kind of Provocation to go off.IT SEEMS TO BE THE INTEREST AT LEAST OF EVERY GENTLEMANTHAT HAS SLAVES, TO BE ACTIVE IN THE BEGINNING OF THESEATEMPTS, FOR WHILST WE HAVE THE FRENCH SUCH NEAR NEIGHBORS,WE SHALL NOT HAVE THE LEAST SECURITY IN THAT KINDOF PROPERTY. I shall be greatly obliged to anyGentlemen that shall hear of these Fellows, to endeavourto get certain Intelligence which Way they have taken,and to inform me of it by Express, and also to employsome active Person or Persons immediately, to taketheir Track and pursue them and secure them, and Iwill thankfully acknowledge the Favour and immediatelyanswer the Expence attending it.

THOMAS RINGGOLD.

The Maryland Gazette, March 20,1755.

COLORED METHODIST PREACHERS AMONG THE SLAVES

FORTY DOLLARS REWARD

A Young negro man slave, the property of the subscriber,named Sam, left the service of Charles Gosnell nearSoldiers Delight, in Baltimore County, on Sunday last,to whom he was hired; he was seen the same day travelingtowards Baltimore, where he has several relations (manumittedblacks) who will conceal and assist him to make hisescape: HE WAS RAISED IN A FAMILY OF RELIGIOUSPERSONS, COMMONLY CALLED METHODISTS, AND HAS LIVEDWITH SOME OF THEM FOR YEARS PAST, ON TERMS OF PERFECTEQUALITY; the refusal to continue him on these terms,the subscriber is instructed, has given him offence,and is the sole cause of his absconding. Sam isabout twenty-three years old, 5 feet 8 or 9 incheshigh, pretty square made, has a down look, very talkativeamong persons whom he can make free with, but slowof speech; HE HAS BEEN IN THE USE OF INSTRUCTING ANDEXHORTING HIS FELLOW CREATURES OF ALL COLORS IN MATTERSOF RELIGIOUS DUTY: Had on and took with him whenhe went off, the following clothes, a country-madecloth jacket, with sleeves, a red under jacket, anold striped vest, and striped Holland trousers, twopair of coarse linen trousers, one two-linen, andone other coarse linen shirt, a pair of new shoes,and an old hat; but it is supposed he will changehis clothes with his relations. Whoever willtake the said slave and deliver him to the subscriber,or secure him in Baltimore County Gaol, shall receiveTEN DOLLARS, if taken within ten miles, or any shorterdistance from home; FIFTEEN DOLLARS, if above fifteenmiles; TWENTY DOLLARS, if 30 miles; THIRTY DOLLARS,if above 40 miles; and in the State; and if out ofthe State, the above Reward from THOMAS JONES.

N.B. It is not improbable but that he will endeavorto get over to Dorset County, on the Eastern Shore.All skippers of Vessels and others are forbid to hireor assist him in any manner. Baltimore, June 6,1793.

The Maryland Journal and BaltimoreAdvertiser, June 14, 1793.

Went away on the 9th inst. from the subscriber livingin the city of Annapolis, a negro man named Jem, alively, brisk, active fellow when he pleases, 28 yearsof age, about 5 feet 8 inches high, slender made, ratherthin face, has a great hesitation in his speech, andwhen he laughs shows his gums very much, takes snuff,one of his legs is sore; he is very artful and canturn his hand to any thing; he has been used to waiting,to taking care of horses and driving a carriage, issomething of a gardener, carpenter and bricklayer;IS OR PRETENDS TO BE OF THE SOCIETY OF METHODISTS,HE CONSTANTLY ATTENDED THE MEETINGS, AND AT TIMES EXHORTEDHIMSELF; he took with him a watch of his own, a finehat, a new drab coloured surtout coat, lined aboutthe body with green, light cloth waistcoat, buckskinbreeches; a black coat lapelled is missing from thehouse; it is probable he may change his dress; he hadsome time in the summer from me a pass for a limitedtime (three or four days) to go to Baltimore, it isnot improbable but he may get the date altered andmake use of it. Whoever takes him up and delivershim to me, or secures him in any gaol so that I gethim again, shall receive TWENTY DOLLARS. December16, 1797.

JAMES BRICE.

The Maryland Gazette, January 4,1798.

Ran-away from the subscriber on the 19th of Octoberlast, Negro Jacob, 35 years of age, about 6 feet high,smooth face, high forehead, his wool growing in apeak leaves his temples bare, speaks low and ratherhoarse, had on and took with him when he went away,a brownish cotton coat, a blue coarse short coat withmetal buttons, old breeches, osnabrig shirt, and amatch coat blanket; his Sunday apparel, a purple clothcoat with rimmed buttons, nankeen breeches, mixedworsted stockings, and half boots; HE PROFESSES TOBE A METHODIST, AND HAS BEEN IN THE PRACTICE OF PREACHINGOF NIGHTS; it is expected he is harbouring about thecity of Annapolis, West river, South river, Southriver Neck, or Queen Anne, as he has a wife at MissMurdoch’s. Whoever takes up and securessaid fellow in any gaol so that I get him again, shallreceive the above reward paid by

THOMAS GIBBS, living near Queene Anne.

N.B. All masters of vessels and others are forewarnedharbouring employing or carrying off said fellow attheir peril.

March 7, 1800. T. G.

The Maryland Gazette, September4, 1800.

Ran away from the subscriber, living in Anne Arundelcounty, on the 21st of February, a negro man namedDick, about forty years of age, five feet six incheshigh, round full face, large eyes, very bow legged,slow of speech, and fond of smoking a pipe, HE ISA METHODIST PREACHER, took along with him a countrycloth coat, and one gray coloured, and breeches, twoosnabrig shirts, short kersey coat and trousers, shoesnailed. Whoever takes up the said negro, andsecures him in any gaol shall receive the above reward,and if brought home all reasonable charges paid byme.

HUGH DRUMMOND.
Feb. 24, 1800.

The Maryland Gazette, Sept. 4,1800.

Philadelphia, Sept. 4, 1746.

RUN AWAY on the 16th of July from Thomas Rutter, ofthis city, a Negro Man, named Dick, commonly CALLEDPREACHING DICK,[2] aged about 27 Years. * * *

THOMAS RUTTER.

The Pennsylvania Gazette, Sept.4, 1746.

[2] It is notknown whether Dick was a Methodist or Baptist Preacher.

FORTY DOLLARS REWARD

Ran-Away from the subscriber on the 8th of Novemberlast, a negro fellow named Simbo. He was formerlythe property of Francis Burns dec. of Onslow County,HE IS A METHODIST PREACHER, AND CAN READ AND WRITE.—­Heis about 6 feet high, very black and smooth skin,and speaks very distinct.

He is supposed to be lurking some times down Neuseriver, and at others up the same, and so he rangesthrough Craven, Jones, and Onslow Counties.

Any person apprehending the said negro, and deliveringhim to the subscriber, within five miles of Swansborough,shall be entitled to the above reward.—­Orany person who will so secure him that I get him again,shall receive Twenty Dollars.

The most probable method to catch him, will be atMethodist meetings.—­All masters of vesselsand others are forewarned from harbouring employingor carrying him away, at their peril.

June 27.
HENRY LOCKEY.

The Newbern Gazette, August 15,1800.

SLAVES IN OTHER PROFESSIONS

RUN AWAY ON THE 4TH INST., AT NIGHT FROM JamesLeonard in Middlesex County, East-New-Jersey,a Negro Man named Simon, aged 40 Years, iswell-set Fellow, about 5 feet 10 Inches high, has largeEyes, and a Foot 12 inches long; he was bred and bornin this Country, talks good English can read and write,is very slow in his speech, CAN BLEED AND DRAW TEETHPRETENDING TO BE A GREAT DOCTOR AND VERY RELIGIOUS,AND SAYS HE IS A CHURCHMAN. Had on a dark greyBroadcloth Coat, with other good Apparel, and peekedtoe’d Shoes. He took with him a black Horse,about 13 Hands and a Half high, a Star in his Forehead,branded with 2 on the near Thigh or Shoulder, andtrots; also a black hunting Saddle about half worn.

Whoever takes up and secures the said Negro, so thathis Master may have him again shall have ThreePounds Reward and reasonable Charges, paid by

JAMES LEONARD.

The Pennsylvania Gazette, Sept.11, 1740.

Whereas Cambridge, a Negro Man belonging toJames Oliver of Boston doth absent himselfsometimes from his Master: SAID NEGRO PLAYS WELLUPON A FLUTE, AND NOT SO WELL ON A VIOLIN. Thisis to desire all Masters and Heads of Families notto suffer said Negro to come into their Houses toteach their Prentices or Servants to play, nor on anyother Accounts. All Masters of Vessels are alsoforbid to have anything to do with him on any Account,as they may answer it in the Law.

N.B. Said Negro is to be sold: Enquire ofsaid_ Oliver.

The Boston Evening Post, Oct. 24,1743.

SIX DOLLARS REWARD

Absconded on or about the 1st instant, a Negro Fellow,named Pero. He is remarkably tall being nearly61/2 feet in height, his hands have been frost bitten,in consequence of which he has lost several of hisfinger nails. He speaks the French and Englishlanguages; PASSES FOR A DOCTOR AMONG PEOPLE OF HISCOLOR, AND IT IS SUPPOSED PRACTICES IN THAT CAPACITYABOUT TOWN. The above reward will be paid onhis delivery at the Work-House, or the Subscriber

JAMES GEORGE.

N.B. All masters of vessels are forewarned fromcarrying him off the State as they will be prosecutedto the utmost rigor of the law.

The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser,June 22, 1797.

CLOSE RELATIONS OF THE SLAVES AND INDENTURED SERVANTS

RUN AWAY in April last from Richard Tilghman of QueenAnne County in Maryland a Mulatto slave, Named RichardMolson, of Middle stature, about forty years old,and has had the Small Pox, HE IS IN COMPANY WITH AWHITE WOMAN NAMED MARY, WHO IS SUPPOSED NOW GOES FORHIS WIFE; AND A WHITE MAN NAMED GARRETT CHOISE,AND JANE HIS WIFE, which said White People areservants to some Neighbors of the said RICHARD TILGHMAN.The said fugatives are Supposed to be gone to CAROLINASor some other of his Majesty’s Plantations inAMERICA. Whoever shall apprehend the said Fugativesand cause them to be committed into safe custody, andgive Notice thereof to their Owners shall be wellrewarded. The White man has one of his fore fingersdisabled.

Whoever shall carry them to the Sheriff of PHILADELPHIAshall have Twenty Pounds current money paid him orthem or shall convey the Molatta to the said sheriffshall have Ten Pounds, or whoever shall convey theMolatta to the said RICHARD TILGHMAN shall have FifteenPounds reward.—­

The American Weekly Mercury (Philadelphia),Aug. 11, Aug. 25 and
Sept. 1, 1720.

RAN AWAY from the Subscribers in Baltimore Countyin Maryland, a Negro Man named Charles, ofmiddle stature, aged about 28 or 30 Years, talks tolerableEnglish: Had on when he went away, an OzenbrigsFrock with brass Buttons on it, dark colour’dKersey Jacket, a Cotton Jacket, old Leather Breeches,Ozenbrig Trowsers, Felt Hat, and old Shoes. HEIS SUPPOSED TO BE IN COMPANY WITH TWO SERVANT MENbelonging to John Fuller, sen., the one ofthem is a Scotch Man, named James M’Cornet,of middle stature, age about 26 Years, long blackHair if not cut off, and a black Beard; has with hima dark Kersey Jacket and a Cotton Jacket, old LeatherBreeches, a pair of Ozenbrigs Trowsers and a pairof Crocus Trowsers, Ozenbrigs Shirt and a DowlassShirt, Country made Shoes and Stockings and an oldFelt Hat bound round with the same. The othernamed Charles King of middle Stature, agedabout 23 Years; has with him a Drugget Coat much worn,of a Cinnamon Colour, Cotton Jacket, Leather Breecheswith Pewter Buttons on one Knee covered with Leatherand none on the other, two ozenbrigs Shirts, a pairof Trowsers, Country made Shoes and Stockings of abluish grey Colour, topt with black and white Yarn.

NOTE James M’Connet speaks broad Scotch verythick, and snuffles a little.

Whoever takes up the said Negro together with hisCompanions, shall have Twenty Shillings Reward foreach besides what the Law directs paid by us

DARBY HERNLY
JOHN FULLER.

The Philadelphia Gazette, June26, 1740.

Run away 21st of August, from the Subscribers, ofKingsess, Philadelphia County, A WHITE MAN AND A NEGRO,IT IS SUPPOSED THEY ARE GONE TOGETHER, the White Man’sName is Abraham Josep, a Yorkshire Man, a Shoemakerby Trade aged about 24 Years * * *

The Negroe’s Name is Tom, of a yellowish colour,pretty much pitted with Small Pox, thick set * * *

Two nights before there were several things stolen,and it is supposed they have them

JAMES HUNT
PETER ELLIOT.

The Pennsylvania Gazette, Sept.10, 1741.

RUN away from Talbot County School, Maryland,on Monday, the 5th of this instant August, GeorgeEwings, MASTER OF SAID SCHOOL, WHO TOOK WITH HIM ANEGROE MAN, named Nero and two Geldings, the one ofa grey, the other of a black Colour, the Propertyof the Visitors of said School. The said Ewingsis an Irishman, of a middling Stature, and thin Visage,is pitted with Small-pox, and has the Brogue upon hisTongue, and had on when he went away a light bluenew coat.

Whoever apprehends and secures said Ewings, Negroand Geldings, so that they may be had again, shallreceive a Reward of Five Pounds, Maryland Currency,paid by the Visitors of said School

Signed by order,
WILLIAM GOLDSBOROUGH, Register of SaidSchool.

The Pennsylvania Gazette, Aug.15, 1745.

RUN away on Saturday the 26th of October, from Cadwalder,of Trenton, a Negro Man, named Sam, a likely Fellow,about 26 Years of Age, speaks very good English:Had on when he went away, a good Duroy Coat, a fineHat, almost new, a Pair of good Leather Breeches withTrowsers over them; but as he has other Clothes withhim, he may have changed them since. HE WAS ENTICEDAWAY BY ONE ISAAC RANDALL, AN APPRENTICE OF THOMASMERRIOT, jun. They took with them a likely bayGelding, six Years old, thirteen Hands and a Halfhigh, paces well, and is shod before: And theyare supposed to have gone with a Design to enter onboard a Privateer, either at New York or Philadelphia.Whoever takes them up, and secures the Negro and Geldingshall be rewarded, by

THOMAS CADWALDER.

The Pennsylvania Gazette, Oct.31, 1745.

RUN away, the 2nd of last month from the subscriber,living at the old town Potomack, Frederick county,Maryland, a mulattoe servant man named Isaac Cromwell,about 40 years of age, a tall slim fellow, very smoothtongued, by which some people may perhaps be imposedupon: Had on when he went away, a blanket coat,leather breeches, worsted Stockings, new shoes, withbrass buckles on them.

RUN AWAY AT THE SAME TIME, AN ENGLISH SERVANT WOMAN,named Anne Greene, about 45 years of age, short andwell set, one of her legs much shorter than the other,much pock-marked: Had on when she went away, awhite jacket, striped linsey coat. They tookwith them the following goods, viz. blankets,a striped cotton gown, and petticoat, several shirtsand skirts, with other clothing, too tedious hereto mention, also a small bay horse not branded, alarge bay pacing horse, his hind feet both white, about7 years old, branded on the near buttock with a heartand a T through it; and a small old black horse, hisbrand not known, with some white spots on his back.Whoever takes up the said servants, and secures them,so that their master may have them again, shall haveFive Pounds, if taken in Maryland, and if in Pennsylvania,or the Jerseys, Seven Pounds and reasonable Charges,paid by Thomas Cresap or James Whitehead, Work-house-keeperin Philadelphia.

Pennsylvania Gazette, June 1, 1749.

RUN AWAY FROM FRANCIS MINES, APPOQUINIMY, New Castlecounty, a servant woman, named Ann Wainrite:She is short, well-set, fresh coloured, of a browncomplexion, round visage, was brought up in Virginia,speaks good English and bold. Had on when shewent away, a blue linsey-wolsey gown, a dark brownpetticoat, and a Bath bonnet. She hath taken withher a striped cotton shirt, and some white ones, adrab coloured great coat, a silver hilted sword, witha broad belt, and a cane; with a considerable parcelof other goods: Also a large bay pacing horse,roughly trimmed, shod before, and branded on the nearbuttock S.R. THERE WENT AWAY WITH HER, A NEGROWOMAN belonging to Jannet Balvaird, named Beck; sheis lusty strong and pretty much pock-broken; had onwhen she went away, a brown linnen gown, a stripedred and white linsey-wolsey petticoat, the red verydull, a coarse two petticoat, and calico one, witha great piece tore at the bottom, and stole a blackcrape gown: Also a bay horse with three whitefeet, a blaze down his face, and a new russet huntingsaddle. Whoever takes up the above mentionedwomen and horses, and secures them, so as they maybe had again, shall have Four Pounds reward and reasonableCharges, paid by

FRANCIS MINES
JANNET BALVAIRD.

The Pennsylvania Gazette, Oct.8, 1747.

RUN AWAY from the subscriber, on Elkridge, in AnneArundel county, Maryland, TWO WHITE SERVANTS, ANDA NEGRO; one of the servants named John Wright, ashoemaker by trade, has a red nose, and a crooked finger;Had on, an ozenbrigs shirt, and breeches of the same,and a dark colour’d coat, with a large cape.The other a Yorkshire-man, named William Cherryhome,a stout fellow, with yellowish hair: Had on ozenbrigsshirts and trowsers, a white fustian coat: theyboth have hats and shirts. The Negro named Sam,is a lusty young fellow, with large scars on his breastand back. Whoever takes up and secures the saidservants and Negro, so that they may be had again,shall have NINE POUNDS, besides what the law allows,paid by

JOHN HAMMOND.

N.B. They were seen coming from Lancaster toPhiladelphia.

The Pennsylvania Gazette, Aug.2, 1750.

RUN away from James West, the first of April lasta servant man, named Willis M’Coy, a small shortfellow, his right eye looks red; he had on when hewent away, a blue jacket and a striped flannel jacketunder it, a pair of trowsers, and under them a pairof cloth breeches, too long for him, and were rippedat the knee; he had two shirts on, one ozenbrigs, theother check linnen, he is supposed to have run awaywith a Negro man, named Toby, WHO LEFT HIS MASTERTHE SAME DAY THE OTHER DID; the Negro has a dark colouredduffil great coat much torn, he is a lusty well-setfellow, betwixt 40 and 50 years old, has sundry jackets,and coarse and fine shirts; they have no doubt changedtheir apparel; the Negro speaks good English, bornin Philadelphia. Whoever takes up the white servant,shall have Three Pounds reward, and reasonable charges,paid by James West; and whoever takes up the Negroeabove, shall have Forty Shillings paid by James Mockey,and Charges.

The Pennsylvania Gazette, Aug.2, 1750.

RUN away from the Subscriber, living at Cambridgein Dorchester County, on the 15th of this InstantJuly, a dark Mulatto Man Slave, named Prince:HE WENT OFF IN COMPANY WITH A WHITE SERVANT MAN whosename is John, but his surname forgot, belonging toMr. William Horner, Merchant of the same Town.The said slave is of middle Stature, well made, wellfeatured, and is a pert lively Fellow and plays wellon the Banjer. He had on a country Linnen Shirt,short Linnen Breeches, and an old Felt Hat.

Whoever takes up the said slave and brings him tothe Subscriber, shall have Four Pounds Reward, besideswhat the Law allows paid by

JOHN WOOLLFORD.

If the White Man is secured, so that he may be hadagain, I doubt not but they who secure him will havea handsome Reward paid by William Homer.

The Maryland Gazette, July25, 1754.

RAN away from Jonathan Sergeant, at Newark, in New-Jersey,A young Negro man, named Esop, of middle size, withround forehead, strait nose, and a down guilty look;he can write, and it is likely he may have a counterfeitpass: Had with him a beaver hat, light grey linsey-wolseyjacket, tow trowsers, new pumps, and an old purplecolour’d waistcoat. IT IS SUPPOSED HE WENTAWAY IN COMPANY WITH A WHITE MAN, named John Smith,who is an old lean, tall man, with a long face andnose, and strait brown hair; who had on an old fadedsnuff-coloured coat. Whoever takes up and securessaid man and Negro, so that their master may havethem again, shall have Forty Shillings reward foreach and all reasonable Charges, paid by

JONATHAN SERGEANT.

The Pennsylvania Gazette,Aug. 28, 1755.

FORTY SHILLINGS REWARD

Run away from the manor of Eaton in Suffolk Countyon the 18th of November, a negro named Caesar, about40 Years of age, near 5 feet 8 inches high; has thicklips, bandy legs, walks lame, and speaks very bad English;had on when he went away, a blue jacket, check flannelshirt, tow Cloth trowsers, black and white yarn stockings,half worn shoes, and an old felt hat; has formerlylived in some part of West Jersey, where ’tissuspected he is gone; HE WENT OFF IN COMPANY WITHONE THOMAS CORNWELL, WHO CALLS HIMSELF A BRISTOL MAN,and who ’tis feared has forged a pass for theNegro. Whoever secures the Negro so that thesubscriber may have him again, shall have the abovereward and all reasonable Charges, paid by

JOHN SLOSS HOBART.

All masters of vessels, and others are forbid to concealor transport said Negro at their peril.

The New York Gazette or Weekly Post-Boy,Dec. 5, 1765.

RAN away on the 25th of April last, from a Mine Bank,belonging to Alexander Lawson and Company,in Anne Arundel County, near Elk Ridge,Landing, a Convict Servant Fellow, who came in theCounty last Year in Captain James Dobbins:He is an Englishman about 6 Feet high, and of a blackcomplexion. Had on two Cotton Jackets, the underone without Sleeves, a Pair of Cotton Breeches, anOsnabrigs Shirt, a Felt Hat, a white Linnen Cap, aSilk Handkerchief, white Yarn Stockings, and Countrymade Shoes.

A NEGRO FELLOW BELONGING TO THE SAID COMPANY WENTAWAY WITH HIM, who is acquainted with the back Roads,and is supposed to be conducting him that Way.He is about 5 Feet 6 Inches high, pretty aged, andspeaks good English. Had on a Cotton Jacket andBreeches, and Osnabrigs Shirt, an old Felt Hat, awhite Linnen Cap, white Yarn Stockings, and Countrymade Shoes. They took with them a Drugget Coatof a light Colour, lined with Shalloon, and trimmedwith Metal Buttons.

Whoever apprehends the said two Fellows, and securesthem in any Gaol, so that the Subscriber may havethem again, shall have, if taken within the Province,Four Pistoles Reward, for each, and reasonable Charges,if brought to Alexander Lawson.

The Maryland Gazette, May 9, 1754.

FIFTY PISTOLES REWARD

Annapolis, in Maryland, March 25, 1754.

Ran away on the 18th Instant with the Sloop Hopewell,belonging to the Subscriber, William Curtis, Master,the TWO FOLLOWING CONVICT SERVANTS, AND NEGRO MAN,viz:

John Wright, a White Man, of a swarthy Complexion,very lusty, talks hoarse, and is much pitted withthe Small Pox.

John Smith, also a lusty White Man, with short blackHair.

Toney, a yellowish Negro, and not quite so lusty,pretends to be a Portugese, speaks good English andpertly, is a good Hand by Water, also can do Cooper’sWork, Butchering, &c. Had on or with him, a Dovecolour’d Surtoot Coat.

They may have sundry Cloaths, Wigs, Linnen, Cash &c.belonging to the Captain, as it is believed they havemurdered him; and the above Wright was seen with theCaptain’s Cloaths on, which were red; thoughhe had Cloaths of sundry Colours with him: Healso had a neat Silver hilted Sword, and Pistols mountedwith Silver.

The Captain had the Register of the Sloop with him,but he was not endorsed thereon, as he was to returnhere to make up his Load, and clear at the properOffice.

They were seen off Patuxent on the 22nd Instant, atwhich time the said Wright assumed Master, and tooktwo Men with them, belonging to Schooner of Mr. JamesDick’s and Company one a White Man belongingto Capt. William Strachan, of London Town, whowent on board with some Bread for them, at which Timethey hoisted Sail, and cut their Boat adrift, and carriedthem off.

They had some Lumber on board, such as Staves, Heading,and Plank; also Rum, Molasses, Sugar, Linnen &C. &C.

The Sloop is about 45 Tons, Square sterned, with aRound House, with a Partition under dividing the Cabinand Steerage, the Waste black, yellow Gunwales andDrift Rails, and the Drift and Stern blue.

Whoever secures the said sloop and Goods so that theOwner may have her again, and the three White Servantsand two Slaves, so that they may be brought to Justice,shall have FIFTY PISTOLES Reward, paid by

PATRICK CREAGH.

Maryland Gazette, April 11, 1754.

New-York, July 10, 1760.

RUN away from Dennis Hicks, of Philipsburgh in WestchesterCounty, and Province of New York, a mulatto man Slavenamed Bill, aged about 20 Years has a long sharp Nose,with a black Mole on the Right side of his Face, nearhis Nose, has very large Ears, speaks good English,and pretends to be free, and can read and write well:SAYS HE HAS A WHITE MOTHER AND WAS Born in NEW-ENGLAND.He is of a middle size, and has a thin Visage, withhis Hair cut off. All person are forbid to harbourhim, and all Masters of Vessels are forbid to carryhim off, as they will answer it at their Peril.TWENTY-FIVE POUNDS Reward for securing him in any Gaol,or bringing him to me so that I may have him again,and reasonable Charges paid by

DENNIS HICKS.

N.B. This Fellow was advertised in the New YorkPapers the 5th of June and in Newhaven the 11th ofJune 1759, was afterward taken up in Waterbury, andwas put into Litchfield Gaol, from thence he was broughtto Belford, and there made his escape from his masteragain. Those who apprehend him are desired tosecure him in Irons. He was taken up by MosesFort, of North Waterbury in New England. It islikely he will change his Cloaths as he did before.The Mole above mentioned is something long.

N.B. By information he was in Morris County inthe Jerseys all the Winter; and said he would enlistin the provincial service.[3]

The New York Gazette, Aug. 11,1760.

[3] This advertisementappears under another heading on page 199.

TEN PISTOLES REWARD

Kent County Maryland, March 19, 1755.

Whereas there were several advertisements, (some ofwhich were printed, and others of the same Significationwritten), dispersed through this Province, describingand offering a Reward of Two Pistoles, &c. for takingup a SERVANT MAN, NAMED JAMES FRANCIS, AND A MULATTOMAN SLAVE call’d Toby, both belonging to thesubscriber, and ran away on the 11th Instant:And whereas it has been discovered since the Publishingof the said Advertisements, that they carried withthem many more Things than is therein described, Ido hereby again and farther give Notice that the WhiteMan James Francis, is aged about 21 years, his Staturenear five Feet and and half, slender bodied, witha smooth Face, almost beardless, born in England andbred a Farmer. The Mulatto is a lusty, well-setCountry born Slave with a great Nose, wide Nostrils,full mouth’d, many Pimples in his Face; veryslow in Speech, he is a tolerable Cooper and HouseCarpeter, and no doubt will endeavour to pass fora Free-Man; Each hath a Felt Hat, Country Cloth Vestand Breeches, and Yarn Stockings: one of themhas a light coloured loose Coat of Whitney or Duffel:The White Man a dark close bodied Coat, a stripedshort Vest of Everlasting, another of blue Fearnothing,with other Cloaths. The Slave has also many othervaluable Garments; they took with them likewise aGun, Powder and Shot, and are supposed either to cross,or go down Bay in a Pettiauger.

Whoever brings the said Servant and Slave to the Subscriberon the Mouth of Chester River or to Thomas Ringgoldat Chester-Town, shall have for a Reward Ten Pistolesand all reasonable Charges in taking and securing thesaid Servant and Slave, paid by[4]

JAMES RINGGOLD.
THOMAS RINGGOLD.

The Maryland Gazette, March 20,1755.

[4] This advertisementoccurs also under the heading of “The
Relations of theFrench and Negroes.”

ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD

RAN away from Hagerstown, Washington County, Marylandin September last, a Negro wench named PEGGY, butsometimes calls herself NANCY, about 26 years of age,talks on the Welsh accent, her complexion of a yellowishcast, the wool on her head is longer than negroescommonly have: Had on a blue petticoat of Duffilcloth, old shoes and stockings, her other clothesuncertain. IT IS SUPPOSED SHE WENT OFF WITH APORTUGESE FELLOW WHO SERVED HIS TIME WITH MR. JACOBFUNK: they probably may be in the neighborhoodof Georgetown or Alexandria or gone towards camp,and that she will attempt to pass for a free woman,and wife to the Portugese fellow. Whoever takesher up and secures her in any gaol, so that the subscriberget her again, or delivers her to Daniel Hughes, Esq.,in Hagerstown, shall have the above reward, and reasonablecharges,

JOHN SWAN.

The Maryland Journal and BaltimoreAdvertiser, Oct. 19, 1779.

SIX DOLLARS REWARD

On Monday night, the 18th instant, ran away, fromthe subscriber, living in Montgomery County, nearGeorgetown, a likely, bright MULATTO MAN named GEORGEPINTER, about 21 years of age, 5 feet 9 or 10 incheshigh, spare made, with long bushy hair; he is remarkablytalkative, and generally smiles when spoken to; hehad on, and took with him, a drab-coloured country-clothsurtout, one white broad-cloth coat with plated buttons,one striped nankeen ditto, two striped silk and cottonwaistcoats with gilt buttons, one pair of blue yarnstockings, all of them about half worn, and a prettygood felt hat, with a very wide but shallow crown;his other clothes unknown. It is highly probablehe is furnished with a pass and will assume the characterof a free man; he went off, IT IS SUSPECTED IN COMPANYWITH A COUPLE OF IRISH SERVANTS WHO LEFT THE LITTLEFALLS ON THE SAME DAY, where they had been at worktogether for some time past. Whoever apprehendsand secures the said Runaway, in any gaol, so thathis master may get him again, shall receive the abovereward, with reasonable charges, if brought home.

WILLIAM WALLACE.
March 25, 1793.

The Maryland Journal and BaltimoreAdvertiser, March 29, 1793.

Westmoreland County, Virginia, Aug. 17, 1749.

RUN away from subscriber on Monday last, a ConvictServant named Thomas Winey; he professes farming,was imported lately from Maidstone gaol in the Countyof Kent, Great Britain—­* * *

THE ABOVE MENTIONED SERVANT TOOK WITH HIM A MOLATTOESLAVE named James, a well set fellow, 23 years old************ I have been informed by their confederatessince they went off, that they intend to go to Pennsylvaniaand from thence to New England, unless they can ontheir way get passage in some vessel to Great Britainwhere the Molattoe slave pretends to have an UNCLEWHO ESCAPED FROM HIS MASTER IN THIS COLONY NEAR 23YEARS AGO, AND IS SAID TO KEEP A COFFEE HOUSE IN LONDON.

The Pennsylvania Gazette, Sept.14, 1749.

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

The Negro. By W. E. B. DuBois. New York:Henry Holt and Co. 1915. Pp. 254. 50 cents.

In this small volume Dr. DuBois presents facts toshow that, contrary to general belief, the Negro hasdeveloped and contributed to civilization the sameas all other groups of the human race. The usualarguments that the backward state of Negro cultureis due to the biological inferiority of the race heshows to be without foundation, since these argumentshave been largely abandoned by creditable scholars.Much of the material in the book has been known forseveral years to readers of works of scholars on racequestions. As is commonly the case, truths whichtend to destroy deep-rooted prejudices reach generalreaders with considerable slowness. While itis not possible to treat but briefly a large subjectin such small compass, the facts set forth by theauthor will put many persons on their guard againstindividuals who continue to spread misinformation aboutthe Negro race.

The book is divided into twelve chapters, containsa helpful index, has a topically arranged list ofbooks suggested for further reading, and an index.All of the chapters make interesting reading; but thosetreating of the achievements in state building andgeneral culture of the ancient African Negro are especiallystimulating. The author points out that in Egypt,both as mixed Semitic-Negroids and pure blacks fromEthiopia, Negro blood shared in producing the civilizationof Egypt. Another center of Negro civilizationwas the Soudan. There strong Negro empires likeSonghay and Melle developed under Mohammedan influenceand existed for many centuries. In West Africathere was a flourishing group of Negro city states,the most famous of these being the Yoruban group.Recent discoveries of Frobenius in these parts ofthe continent show that the people reached a highstage of development in the terra cotta, bronze, glass,weaving, and iron industry. In the regions aboutthe Great Lakes, inhabited largely by the Bantu, arefound many worked over gold and silver mines, oldirrigation systems, remains of hundreds of groups ofstone buildings and fortifications. The authorexplains that the decline of this ancient culturewas due to internal wars, Mohammedan conquest, andespecially the ravages of the slave trade. Thefact of the existence of such culture in the paststands as evidence of the capacity of the race toachieve.

It is worth noting what the author thinks about “thefuture relation of the Negro race to the rest of theworld.” He states that the “clearmodern philosophy ... assigns to the white race alonethe hegemony of the world and assumes that other races,and particularly the Negro race, will either be contentto serve the interests of the whites or die out beforetheir all-conquering march.” Of the severalplans of solutions of the Negro problems since theemancipation from chattel slavery he tells us thatpractically all have been directed by the motive ofeconomic exploitation for the benefit of white Europe.Because all dark races, and the white workmen too,are included in this capitalistic program of economicexploitation, he believes there is coming “aunity of the working classes everywhere,” whichwill apparently know no race line. But the coloredpeoples are more largely the victims of this economicexploitation. In answer to it the author concludes:“There is slowly arising not only a strong brotherhoodof Negro blood throughout the world, but the commoncause of the darker races against the intolerable assumptionsand insults of Europeans has already found expression.”He expresses the hope that “this colored worldmay come into its heritage, ... the earth,” maynot “again be drenched in the blood of fighting,snarling human beasts,” but that “Reasonand Good will prevail.”

J. A. BIGHAM.

The American Civilization and the Negro. ByC. V. Roman, A.M., M.D. F. A. Davis Company,Philadelphia, 1916. 434 pages.

This volume is a controversial treatise supportedhere and there by facts of Negro life and history.The purpose of the work is to increase racial selfrespect and to diminish racial antagonism. Theauthor has endeavored to combine argument and evidenceto refute the assertions of such writers as Schufeldtand agitators like Tillman and Vardaman. But althoughon the controversial order the author has tried towrite “without bitterness and bias.”The effort here is directed toward showing that humanityis one in vices and virtues as well as in blood; thatthe laws of evolution and progress apply equally toall; that there are no diseases peculiar to the AmericanNegro nor any debasing vices peculiar to the African;that there are no cardinal virtues peculiar to theEuropean; and that all races having numerous failings,one should not give snap judgment of the other, especiallywhen that judgment involves the welfare of a people.

The work contains an extensive zoological examinationof man as an inhabitant of the world, the differencesin the separate individuals composing races, the forceswith which they must contend, the morals of mankind,and the general principles of human development.The question of Negro slavery in America is discussedas a preliminary in coming to the crucial point ofthe study, the presence of the colored man in the South.The author frankly states what the colored man is strugglingfor. Making a review of the history of the Negroesof the United States, he justifies their claim topolitical rights on the ground that they are reactingsuccessfully to their environment.

The book abounds with illustrations of prominent coloredAmericans, successful Negroes, individual types, typicalfamily groups, arts and crafts among the Africans,public schools and colleges.

J. O. BURKE.

The Police Control of the Slave in South Carolina.By H. M. Henry, M.A., Professor of History and Economics,Emory and Henry College, Emory, Virginia, 1914. 216pages.

This work is a doctoral dissertation of VanderbiltUniversity. The author entered upon this studyto show to what extent the southern people “soughtto perpetuate, not slavery, but the same method ofcontrolling the emancipated Negro which was in forceunder the slavery regime, the difficulties which weremet with from without and the measure of success attained.”He was not long in discovering that the laws on thestatute books did not adequately answer the question.It was necessary, therefore, to determine to whatextent these laws were in force and what extra-legalmethod may have been resorted to in a system so flexibleas slavery.

One of the first influences discovered was the Barbadianslave code and then the evolution of slave controlfrom that of the white indentured servant. Soonthen the status of the slave as interpreted by thecourt was that of no legal standing in these tribunals.The overseer is then presented as a Negro driver,referred to in contemporary sources. The authordevotes much space to the patrol system, the variouskinds of punishment, the court for the trial of slaves,the relations between the Negroes and the whites,the question of trading with slaves, slaves hiringtheir time, the slave trade, the stealing, harboringand kidnapping of free Negroes, the runaway slaves,the Seamen Acts, the gatherings of Negroes, slaveinsurrections, the abolition of incendiary literature,the prohibition of the education of the blacks, manumission,and the legal status of the free Negro.

The author shows by his researches that although amendedsomewhat, the slave code agreed upon in 1740 continuedas a part of the organic law. At times some effortwas made to ameliorate the condition of the blacks.The kidnapping of free Negroes, at first permitted,was later declared a crime, the murder of a Negroby a white man, which until 1821 was punishable onlyby a fine, was then made a capital offence, the courtfor the trial of Negroes became more inclined to bejust, the privileges of trading and hiring their time,although prohibited by law, became common, and someefforts were made to give the blacks religious instruction.At the same time the Negro suffered from reactionarymeasures restricting their emancipation, prohibitingfree Negroes from entering the State, and proscribingtheir education. The author can see why the richplanters for financial reasons supported this system,but wonders why non-slaveholders who formed the majorityof the white population, “should have assistedin upholding and maintaining the slavery status ofthe Negro with its attendant inconveniences, sucha patrol service, when they must have been aware insome measure, at least, that as an economic regimeit was a hindrance to their progress.”

In this study the author found nothing “to indicatethat there was any movement or any serious discussionof the advisability of abolishing slavery or devisingany plan that would eventually lead to it.”In that State there never were many anti-slavery inhabitants.The Quakers who came into the State soon left andthe Germans, who at first abstained from slavery,finally yielded. There probably was an academicdeprecation of the evils of the institution but hardlyany tendency toward agitation; and if there had beensuch, the promoters would not have secured supportamong the leading people. A few men like JudgeO’Neall favored the emancipation of worthy slaves,but the agitation from without gave this sentimentno chance to grow. Yet the author is anxiousnot to leave the impression that, had it not beenfor outside interference, slavery in South Carolinawould have been modified. This would not havehappened, he contended, because unlike the Statesof North Carolina and Virginia, South Carolina didnot find slaves less valuable. The conditionof the slave in the upper country was better thanthat in the low lands, but no section of the Stateshowed signs of abolition.

This work is a well-documented dissertation.It has an appendix containing valuable documents,and a critical bibliography of the works consulted.It could have been improved by digesting documentswhich appear almost in full throughout the work.Another defect is that it has no index.

C. B. WALTER.

Gouldtown. By William Steward, A.M., andREV. Theophilus G. Steward, D.D. J. B. LippincottCo., Philadelphia, 1913. 237 pages. $2.50.

There are hundreds of thousands of mulattoes in theUnited States. Anyone interested in this groupof the American people will find many illuminatingand suggestive facts in Gouldtown. It is the historyof the descendants of Lord Fenwick, who was a majorin Oliver Cromwell’s army, and of Gould a Negroman. Fenwick’s will of 1683 contains thefollowing: “I do except against ElizabethAdams of having any ye leaste part of my estate, unlessthe Lord open her eyes to see her abdominable transgressionagainst him, me and her good father, by giving hertrue repentance, and forsaking yt Black ythath been ye ruin of her, and becoming penitent forher sins; upon yt condition only I do will and requiremy executors to settle five hundred acres of landupon her.” Elizabeth did not forsake thisNegro by the name of Gould and the remarkable mulattogroup of Gouldtown is the result of this marriage.Gouldtown is a small settlement in southwest New Jersey.

In 1910 there were 225 living descendants from thisunion scattered throughout the United States fromthe Atlantic to the Pacific; many in Canada, othersin London, Liverpool, Paris, Berlin and Antwerp.For over 200 years these descendants have marriedand inter-married with Indian, Negro and White withno serious detriment except the introduction of tuberculosisinto one branch of the family by an infusion of whiteblood. It is interesting to note that crime,drunkenness, pauperism or sterility has not resultedfrom these two hundred years of miscegenation.Thrift and intelligence, longevity and fertility havebeen evident. In every war except the Mexican,the community has been represented; one member of thegroup became a bishop in the A.M.E. Church; one,chaplain in the United States army, and many, nowwhite, are prominent in other walks of life.Several golden weddings have been celebrated.Several have reached the age of a hundred years whilemany seem not to have begun to grow old until threescore years have been reached.

If one enters into the spirit of Gouldtown, and readshastily the dry, Isaac-begat-Jacob passages, the studymoves like the story of a river that loses itselfin the sands. “Samuel 3rd. when a youngman went to Pittsburgh then counted to be in the farwest and all trace of him was lost.” “DanielGould ... in early manhood went to Massachusetts, losinghis identity as colored.” Such expressionsare typical of the whole study. A constant fadingaway, a losing identity occurs. The book is clearlythe story of the mulatto in the United States.

Aside from an occasional lapse in diction, it is acareful study with 35 illustrations and many documentssuch as copies of deeds, wills, family-bible and deathrecords.

WALTER DYSON.

NOTES

“The Creed of the Old South,” byBasil Gildersleeve, has come from the Johns HopkinsPress. This is a presentation of the Lost Causeto enlarge the general appreciation of southern ideals.

From the same press comes also “The ConstitutionalDoctrines of Justice Harlan,” by Floyd B.Clark. The author gives an interesting surveyof the decisions of the Supreme Court of the UnitedStates, tracing the constitutional doctrine of thedistinguished jurist.

The Neale Publishing Company has brought out “TheAftermath of the Civil War in Arkansas,”by Powell Clayton. The author was governor ofthe State from 1868 to 1871. Not desiring totake radical ground, he endeavors to be moderate insketching the work of different factions.

From the press of Funk Wagnalls we have “SamuelColeridge-Taylor; Musician, His Life and Letters,”by W. C. Berwick Sayres.

Dean B. G. Brawley, of Morehouse College, contributedto the January number of “The South AtlanticQuarterly” an article entitled “Pre-Raphaelitismand Its Literary Relations.”

C. F. Heartman, New York, has published the poemsof Jupiter Hammon, a slave born in Long Island, NewYork, about 1720. Nothing is known of Hammon’searly life. It is probable that he was a preacher.His first poem was published December 25, 1760.They do not show any striking literary merit but giveevidence of the mental development of the slave ofthe eighteenth century.

Dr. B. F. Riley, the noted Birmingham preacher andsocial worker, is planning to bring out a biographyof Booker T. Washington. Dr. Riley is a whiteman and is the author of “The White Man’sBurden,” an historical and sociologicalwork written in behalf of the rights of all humanityirrespective of class or condition.

Dr. C. G. Woodson has been asked to write for therevised edition of the “Encyclopaedia Americana”the article on “Negro Education.”

The Cambridge University Press has published “TheNorthern Bantu,” by J. Roscoe. Thisis a short history of some central African tribes ofthe Uganda Protectorate.

J. A. Winter contributed to the July number of “TheSouth African Journal of Science” a paperentitled “The Mental and Moral Capabilitiesof the Natives, Especially of Sekukuniland.”

In “Folk Lore,” September 30, 1915,appeared “Some Algerian Superstitions notedamong the Shawai Berbers of the Aures Mountains andtheir Nomad Neighbors.”

Murray has published in London “A Historyof the Gold Coast and Ashanti” in two volumes,by W. W. Claridge. The introduction is writtenby the Governor of the Gold Coast, Sir Hugh Clifford.It covers the period from the earliest times to thecommencement of the present century. The volumecommences with an account of the Akan tribes and theirexistence in two main branches—­Fanti andAshanti. Beginning with the early voyages, theauthor gives an extensive sketch of European discoveryand settlement.

“A History of South Africa from the EarliestDays to the Union,” by W. C. Scully, hasappeared under the imprint of Longmans, Green and Company.

Fisher Unwin has published “South West Africa,”by W. Eveleigh. The volume gives a brief accountof the history, resources and possibilities of thatcountry.

HOW THE PUBLIC RECEIVED THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY

My dear Dr. Woodson:

I thank you cordially for sending me a copy of thefirst issue of THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY.It is a real pleasure to see a journal of this kind,dignified in form and content, and conforming in everyway to the highest standards of modern historicalresearch. You and your colleagues are to be congratulatedon beginning your enterprise with such promise, andyou certainly have my very best wishes for the futuresuccess of an undertaking so significant for the historyof Negro culture in America and the world.

I feel it a duty to assist concretely in work of thiskind, and accordingly I enclose my check for sixteendollars, of which fifteen dollars are in payment ofa life membership fee in the Association for the Studyof Negro Life and History, and one dollar for a year’ssubscription to the JOURNAL.

Very sincerely yours,

J. E. Spingarn

Dear Dr. Woodson:

Thank you for sending me the first number of yourQUARTERLY JOURNAL. Mr. Bowen had already loanedme his copy and I had been meaning to write to you,stating how much I liked the looks of the magazine,the page, the print, and how good the matter of thisfirst number seemed to me to be. I am going toask the library here to subscribe to it and I shalllook over each number as it comes out. Enclosedis my cheque for five dollars which you can add toyour research fund.

Very truly yours,

Edward Channing, Mclean Professor of Ancientand Modern History, Harvard University

My dear Dr. Woodson:

No words of mine can express the delight with whichI am reading the first copy of your JOURNAL, nor thesupreme satisfaction I feel that such an organizationas the Association for the Study of Negro Life andHistory is in actual and active existence. Inclosedfind check for sixteen dollars for one year’ssubscription to the JOURNAL and a life membership inthe Association.

Very truly yours,

Leila Amos Pendleton
Washington, D.C.

Dear Sir:

I have read with considerable interest Number 1 ofTHE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY. The enterpriseseems to me to be an excellent one and deserving ofenthusiastic support.

Yours sincerely,

A. A. Goldenweiser,
Department of Anthropology,
Columbia University

Dear Sir:

Last week I chanced to see a copy of THE JOURNAL OFNEGRO HISTORY, January number, and while I didn’thave opportunity to read it fully, I was very favorablyimpressed with it; so much so that I am sending mycheck for one year’s subscription, includingthe January number. Allow me to hope much successmay attend this undertaking and that subsequent numbersbe as elegant and attractive as this one.

Yours very truly,

T. Spotuas Burwell

Dear Sir:

I want to congratulate you on the appearance and contentsof this first number. It has received most favorablecomment from every one to whom I have shown it.I certainly wish it every success.

Yours truly,

Caroline B. Chapin
Englewood, N.J.

Dear Mr. Woodson:

I have examined with more than usual interest thecopy of THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY which has justreached me through your courtesy. It certainlylooks hopeful and I trust that the venture may proveits usefulness very quickly. I am sending youmy check for a subscription as I shall be glad toreceive subsequent issues.

Wishing you great success in your editorial positionand hoping that the idea of the organization may beattained, I remain,

Yours very truly,

F.w. Shepardson,
Professor of American History,
The University of Chicago

My dear Dr. Woodson:

I looked over the first number of THE JOURNAL OF NEGROHISTORY with much interest. It bears every evidenceof a scientific disposition on the part of the editorand his board.

Yours sincerely,

Ferdinand Schevill,
Professor of European History,
The University of Chicago

My dear Dr. Woodson:

Your magazine is excellent. I am noting it inthe current Crisis.

Very sincerely Yours,

W. E. B. DuBois,
Editor of the Crisis

My dear Dr. Woodson:

Enclosed find my check for $1 for one year’ssubscription to THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY.I am enjoying the reading of the first issue and shalllook forward with interest to the coming of each successiveone.

With best wishes for the work, I am,

Very truly yours,

T. C. Williams,
Manassas, Va.

My dear Dr. Woodson:

I have read THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY with pleasure,interest, profit and withal, amazement. The typographicalappearance, the size and the strong scholastic historicalarticles reveal research capacity of the writers,breadth of learning and fine literary taste. Havingbeen the editor of the Voice of the Negro andknowing somewhat of the literary capacity of the bestwriters of the race, I cannot but express satisfactionand amazement with this new venture under your leadership.I sincerely hope and even devoutly pray that thislatest born from the brain of the Negro race may growin influence and power, as it deserves, to vindicatefor the thinkers of the race their claim to citizenshipin the republic of thought and letters. Countupon me as a fellow worker.

Yours sincerely,

J. W. E. Bowen
Vice-President of Gammon Theological Seminary

My Dear Dr. Woodson:

I have examined with interest the first number ofTHE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY, which you so kindlysent me. It is a credit to its editors and contributorsand I hope it may continue to preserve high standardsand to prosper.

Sincerely yours,

Frederick J. Turner,
Professor of American History in Harvard University

My dear Dr. Woodson:

I am obliged to you for your copy of THE JOURNAL OFNEGRO HISTORY and am interested in knowing that youhave undertaken this interesting work. I shallendeavor to see that it is ordered for our library.I should suppose that if you could manage to floatit and keep it going for a few years, at least, thatit would have considerable historical value.

Very sincerely yours,

A. C. Mclaughlin,
Head of the Department of American History,
The University of Chicago

My dear Dr. Woodson:

Thank you for sending me the JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY,which I have examined with interest and which I amcalling to the attention of the Harvard Library.You have struck a good field of work, and I am sureyou can achieve genuine results in it.

Sincerely yours,

Charles H. Haskins,
Dean of the Harvard Graduate School

My dear Dr. Woodson:

Please accept my thanks for an initial copy of THEJOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY which you were kind enoughto send me. I am delighted with it. Itsmechanical makeup leaves nothing to be desired andits contents possess a permanent value. It shouldchallenge the support of all forward-looking men ofthe race and command the respect of the thinking menof the entire country regardless of creed or color.I wish you the fullest measure of success in thisunique undertaking.

Your friend,

J.w. Scott,
Principal of the Douglass High School,
Huntington, W. Va.

My dear Mr. Woodson:

I wish to acknowledge the receipt of the first numberof THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY. I have readit with much interest and congratulate you, as theeditor, upon your achievement. The more I thinkof the matter, the more do I believe there is a placefor such a publication. The history of the Negroin Africa, in the West Indies, in Spanish America,and in the United States offers a large field in whichlittle appears to have been done.

Very truly yours,

A. H. Buffinton,
Instructor in History, Williams College

My dear Sir:

A copy of THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY was receivedyesterday and I wish to thank you and the gentlemenassociated with you for this magnificent effort.There is “class” to this magazine, more“class” than I have seen in any of ourrace journals. May I say, notwithstanding thefact that I edited a race magazine once myself, thewhole magazine is clean and high and deserves a placein our homes and college libraries alongside with thegreat periodicals of the land.

Yours very truly,

J. Max Barber

Dear Sirs:

Please find enclosed my subscription of one dollarin cash to THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY, and permitme to congratulate you on your first publication.

Very truly yours,

Oswald Garrison Villard

Dear Sir:

The first number of your magazine reached me a fewdays ago. It is a fine publication, doing creditto its editor and to the association. I thinkit has a fine field.

Sincerely yours,

T. G. Steward,
Captain, U. S. Army, Retired

Dear Dr. Woodson:

I have the first number of THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY.Permit me to congratulate you and to earnestly hopethat it may live long and prosper. It is excellentin purpose, matter and method. If the presenthigh standard is maintained, you and your friendswill not only make a most valuable contribution toa dire need of the Negro, but you will add in a substantialmeasure to current historical data.

Truly yours,

D. S. S. Goodloe,
Principal, Maryland Normal and Industrial School

“Why then, should the new year be signalizedby the appearance of a magazine bearing the titleTHE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY? How can there besuch a thing as history for a race which is just beginningto live? For the JOURNAL does not juggle withwords; by ‘history’ it means history andnot current events. The answer is to be foundwithin its pages....”

“But the outstanding feature of the new magazineis just the fact of its appearance. Launchedat Chicago by a new organization, the Association forthe Study of Negro Life and History, it does not intend’to drift into the discussion of the Negro Problem,’but rather to ’popularize the movement of unearthingthe Negro and his contributions to civilization ...believing that facts properly set forth will speakfor themselves.’”

“This is a new and stirring note in the advanceof the black man. Comparatively few of any racehave a broad or accurate knowledge of its part.It would be absurd to expect that the Negro will carryabout in his head many details of a history from whichhe is separated by a tremendous break. It isnot absurd to expect that he will gradually learn thathe, too, has a heritage of something beside shameand wrong. By that knowledge he may be upliftedas he goes about his task of building from the bottom.”

The New York Evening Post.

When men of any race begin to show pride in theirown antecedents we have one of the surest signs ofprosperity and rising civilization. That is onereason why the new JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY ought toattract more than passing attention. Hithertothe history of the Negro race has been written chieflyby white men; now the educated Negroes of this countryhave decided to search out and tell the historic achievementsof their race in their own way and from their ownpoint of view. And, judging from the first issueof their new publication, they are going to do itin a way that will measure up to the standards setby the best historical publications of the day.

The opinions which the American Negro has hithertoheld concerning his own race have been largely mouldedfor him by others. Himself he has given us littleinkling of what his race has felt, and thought anddone. Any such situation, if long enough continued,would make him a negligible factor in the intellectuallife of mankind. But the educated leaders of therace, of whom our colleges and universities have beenturning out hundreds in recent years, do not proposethat this shall come to pass. They are going toshow the Negro that his race is more ancient thanthe Golden Fleece or Roman Eagle; that Ethiopia hada history quite as illustrious as that of Ninevehor Tyre, and that the Negro may well take pride inthe rock from which he was hewn. The few decadesof slavery form but a small dark spot in the annalsof long and great achievements. That embodiesa fine attitude and one which should be thoroughlyencouraged. It aims to teach the Negro that hecan do his own race the best service by cultivatingthose hereditary racial traits which are worth preserving,and not by a fatuous imitation of his white neighbors.

At any rate, here is a historical journal of excellentscientific quality, planned and managed by Negro scholarsfor readers of their own race, and preaching the doctrineof racial self-consciousness. That in itself isa significant step forward.

The Boston Herald.

A new periodical, to be published quarterly, is thejournal of “The Association for the Study ofNegro Life and History,” a society organizedin Chicago in September, 1915. The commendableaim of the Association is to collect and publish historicaland sociological material bearing on the Negro race.Its purpose, it is claimed, is not to drift into discussionof the Negro problem, but to publish facts which willshow to posterity what the Negro has so far thought,felt, and done.

The president of the association, George C. Hall,of Chicago; its secretary-treasurer, Jesse E. Moorland,of Washington, D.C.; the editor of the JOURNAL, CarterG. Woodson, also of Washington; and the other namesassociated with them on the executive council and onthe board of associate editors, guarantee an earnestnessof purpose and a literary ability which will doubtlessbe able to maintain the high standard set in the firstissue of the JOURNAL. The table of contents ofthe January number includes several historical articlesof value, some sociological studies, and other contributions,all presented in dignified style and in a setting ofexcellent paper and type. The general style ofthe JOURNAL is the same as that of the AmericanHistorical Review.

The Southern Workman.

An undertaking which deserves a cordial welcome beganin the publication, in January, of the first numberof the Journal of Negro History, edited byMr. Carter G. Woodson, and published at 2223 TwelfthStreet, N.W., Washington, by the Association for theStudy of Negro Life and History, formed at Chicagoin September, 1915. The price is but $1 per annum.The objects of the Association and of the journalare admirable—­not the discussion of the“negro problem,” which is sure, throughother means, of discussion ample in quantity at least,but to exhibit the facts of negro history, to saveand publish the records of the black race, to makeknown by competent articles and by documents whatthe negro has thought and felt and done. Thefirst number makes an excellent beginning, with anarticle by the editor on the Negroes of Cincinnatiprior to the Civil War; one by W. B. Hartgrove onthe career of Maria Louise Moore and Fannie M. Richards,mother and daughter, pioneers in negro education inVirginia and Detroit; one by Monroe N. Work, on ancientAfrican civilization; and one by A. O. Stafford, onnegro proverbs. The reprinting of a group of articleson slavery in the American Museum of 1788 by“Othello,” a negro, and of selectionsfrom the Baptist Annual Register, 1790-1802,respecting negro Baptist churches, gives useful aidtoward better knowledge of the American negro at theend of the eighteenth century.

The American Historical Review.

* * * * *

THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY

VOL. I—­JUNE, 1916—­No. 3

PUBLISHED QUARTERLY

CONTENTS

JOHN H. RUSSELL, Ph.D.: Colored Freemen as SlaveOwners in Virginia

JOHN H. PAYNTER, A.M.: The Fugitives of the Pearl

BENJAMIN BRAWLEY: Lorenzo Dow

LOUIS R. MEHLINGER: The Attitude of the FreeNegro Toward African
Colonization

DOCUMENTS:
TRANSPLANTING FREE NEGROES TO OHIO FROM1815 TO 1858:
Blacks and Mulattoes,
New Style Colonization,
Freedom in a Free State,
The Randolph Slaves,
The Republic of Liberia.
A TYPICAL COLONIZATION CONVENTION:
Convention of Free ColoredPeople,
Emigration of the ColoredRace,
Circular, Address to the FreeColored People of the State of Maryland,
Proceedings of the Conventionof Free Colored People of the State of
Maryland

REVIEWS OF BOOKS:
ABEL’S TheSlaveholding Indians. Volume I: As Slaveholderand
Secessionist;
GEORGE’S ThePolitical History of Slavery in the United States;
CLARK’S TheConstitutional Doctrines of Justice Harlan;
THOMPSON’S Reconstructionin Georgia, Economic, Social, Political,
1865—­1872

NOTES

THE ASSOCIATION FOR THE STUDY OF NEGRO LIFE AND HISTORY, INCORPORATED

41 North Queen Street, Lancaster, PA. 2223 TwelfthStreet, Washington, D. C.

25 Cents A Copy $1.00 A Year

Copyright, 1916

COLORED FREEMEN AS SLAVE OWNERS IN VIRGINIA[1]

Among the quaint old seventeenth century statutesof Virginia may be found the following significantenactment:

No negro or Indian though baptized and enjoyned theirown freedome shall be capable of any purchase of Christiansbut yet not debarred from buying any of their ownenation.[2]

“Christians” in this act means personsof the white race. Indented servitude was thecondition and status of no small part of the whitepopulation of Virginia when this law was enacted.While it is not a part of our purpose in this articleto show that white servants were ever bound in servitudeto colored masters, the inference from this prohibitionupon the property rights of the free Negroes is thatcolored freemen had at least attempted to acquirewhite or “Christian” servants. Ina revision of the law seventy-eight years later itwas deemed necessary to retain the prohibition andto annex the provision that if any free Negro or mulatto“shall nevertheless presume to purchase a Christianwhite servant, such servant shall immediately becomefree."[3]

If we see in these laws nothing more than precautionarymeasures against a possible reversal of the usualorder of white master and black servant to that ofblack master and white servant, they are neverthelesssignificant as commentaries on the extent of the remainingunimpaired property rights of black freemen.Only in the light of these prohibitions do we see thefull significance of the last clause of the act whichreads: “but yet not debarred from buyingany of their owne nation.”

With no evidence beyond this explicit admission inthe written law of the right of free Negroes to ownservants and slaves of their own race it could scarcelybe doubted that there were in the colony colored menknown to the framers of this law who held to servicepersons of their own race and color. But whenthe court records are opened and the strange storyof the free Negro Anthony Johnson and his slave JohnCasor is read and understood we are forced to a realizationof the impartial attitude of the law toward blackmasters not only in its outward expression but alsoin its actual application. The story of the relationof these two black settlers in the young colony isworth relating in the quaint language of the timesword for word as it appears in the manuscript records.

The deposition of Capt. Samll.Goldsmyth taken in open court 8th of March [16]54sayeth that being att ye house of Anth. JohnsonNegro about ye beginning of November last toreceive a Hogsd of tobac, a negro called Jno.Casor came to this depo[nen]t & told him yt hee cameinto Virginia for seaven or eight years of Indenture;yt hee had demanded his freedome of Antho.Johnson his mayster & further sd yt hee had kepthim his serv[ant] seaven years longer than hee shouldor ought; and desired that this Depont wouldsee yt hee might have noe wronge; whereupon yourdepont demanded of Anth. Johnson his Indenture.the sd Johnson answered hee never saw any.The negro Jno. Casor replyed when hee camein he had an Indenture. Anth. Johnson sdhee had ye Negro for his life, but Mr. Robert& George Parker sd they knewe that ye sd Negrohad an Indenture in one Mr. S[andys?] hand on ye otherside of ye Baye. Further sd Mr. Robert Parker& his Brother George sd (if the sd. Anth.Johnson did not let ye negro go free) the saidnegro Jno Casor would recover most of his Cows fromhim ye sd Johnson. Then Anth. Johnson(as this dep’t. did suppose) was in a greatfeare.... Anth. Johnsons sonne in Law, hiswife & his own two sonnes persuaded the old negroAnth. Johnson to sett the sd. Jno.Casor free ... more sth not.

Samll Goldsmyth.

Eight March Anno 1654.[4]

John Casor was not, however, permitted to enjoy longhis freedom. Johnson decided to petition thecounty court to determine whether John Casor was aslave for life or a servant “for seven yearsof indenture.” The court record of thesuit is as follows:

Whereas complaint was this daye madeto ye court by ye humble peticion of Anth.Johnson Negro ag[ains]t Mr. Robert Parker that heedetayneth one John Casor a Negro the plaintiffsServ[an]t under pretense yt the sd Jno.Casor is a freeman the court seriously considering& maturely weighing ye premises doe fynd thatye sd Mr. Robert Parker most unrightly keepethye sd Negro John Casor from his r[igh]t maysterAnth. Johnson as it appeareth by ye Depositionof Capt. Samll Gold smith & many probablecircumstances. be it therefore ye Judgement ofye court & ordered that ye sd Jno. Casor negro,shall forthwith bee turned into ye service ofhis sd master Anthony Johnson and that the sdMr. Robert Parker make payment of all charges in thesuite and execution.[5]

In thus sustaining the claim of Anth. Johnsonto the perpetual service of John Casor the court gavejudicial sanction to the right of Negroes to own slavesof their own race. Indeed no earlier record, toour knowledge, has been found of judicial supportgiven to slavery in Virginia except as a punishmentfor crime. Additional gleanings from the recordsshow that this black slavemaster was a respected citizenof wealth and one of the very earliest Negro arrivalsupon this continent, if, indeed, he was not one ofthe first twenty brought in on the Dutch man-of-warin 1619. Every doubt of the correctness of thisassertion should be banished by a perusal of the somewhatdetailed evidence upon which the conclusion is based.

The discovery of the fact that Anthony Johnson wasa slaveowner led to a further examination of courtrecords and land patents for additional informationconcerning him. In the court records of NorthamptonCounty in 1653 it was found recorded that “Anth.Johnson negro hath this daye made his compl[ain]tto ye court that John Johnson, Senr. most unrightlydetayneth a pattent of his for 450 acres of land (whichpattent sd. Jno. Johnson negro claymeth& boldly affirmeth to bee his land."[6]

A search in the early land patents of the State revealeda grant by the authorities of the State of two hundredand fifty acres of land in Northampton County to AnthonyJohnson a Negro. The grant was made as “headrights” upon the importation by the Negro offive persons into the colony.[7] Still pursuing therecord of this black freeman, who was able to maintaina slave, the following was discovered in the recordsof the county court of Northampton:

Upon ye humble pet[ition] of Anth.Johnson negro & Mary his wife & their Informationto ye Court that they have been Inhabitants in Virginiaabove thirty years, consideration being taken of theirhard labor and honored service performed by thepetitioners in this Country for ye obtayneingof their Livelyhood and ye great Llosse theyhave sustained by an unfortunate fire with their presentcharge to provide for. Be it therefore fittand ordered that from the day of the debate hearofduring their natural lives the sd Mary Johnson & twodaughters of Anthony Johnson Negro be disingaged andfreed from payment of Taxes and leavyes in NorthamptonCounty for public use.[8]

Subtracting thirty years from 1652, the date of thisorder of the court, it appeared that this Negro andhis wife were in Virginia in 1622. Examinationof a census taken in Virginia after the Indian massacreof 1622 and called “The Lists of Living andDead in Virginia” revealed the fact that therewere only four Negroes in the colony beside the survivingnineteen out of the twenty that came in in 1619.The name of one of these four was Mary and the nameof one of the first twenty was Anthony.[9] It may withgood reason be surmised, if it cannot be proved, thatMary became the wife of Anthony and that in the courseof the next thirty years they acquired the surnameJohnson as well as a large tract of land and a slaveby the name of John Casor.

THE EXISTENCE OF BLACK MASTERS AFTER COLONIAL TIMES

Some readers may be inclined to regard the case ofthe slave John Casor as altogether exceptional andpeculiar to an early period in the growth of slaverybefore custom had fully crystallized into law.It is true that similar examples are hard to findin the seventeenth century when the free Negroes werefew in number. But if from the paucity of examplesit is argued that such a case was a freak of the seventeenthcentury and that nothing similar could have occurredafter slavery became a settled and much regulatedinstitution, the answer is that slave-owning by freeNegroes was so common in the period of the Commonwealthas to pass unnoticed and without criticism by thosewho consciously recorded events of the times.For abundant proof of the relation of black masterand black slave we must refer again to court recordsand legislative petitions from which events and incidentswere not omitted because of their common occurrence.Deeds of sale and transfer of slaves to free Negroes,wills of free Negroes providing for a future dispositionof slaves, and records of suits for freedom againstfree Negroes, all relate too well the story of howblack masters owned slaves of their own race, to requireadditional proof.

The following record of the court of Henrico Countyunder date of 1795 is an example of what is to befound in the records of any of the older countiesof Virginia:

Know all men by these presents thatI, James Radford of the County of Henrico forand in consideration of the sum of thirty-three poundscurrent money of Virginia to me in hand paid byGeorge Radford a black freeman of the city ofRichmond hath bargained and sold unto GeorgeRadford one negro woman aggy, to have and to hold thesaid negro slave aggy unto the said George Radfordhis heirs and assigns forever.

James Radford (seal)[10]

Judith Angus, a well-to-do free woman of color ofPetersburg, was the owner of two household slaves.Before her death in 1832 she made a will which providedthat the two slave girls should continue in the serviceof the family until they earned money enough to enablethem to leave the State and thus secure their freedomaccording to law.[11]

From the records of the Hustings Court of Richmondmay be gotten the account of a suit for freedom begunby Sarah, a slave, against Mary Quickly, a free blackwoman of the city. It is worthy of note that noclaim was made by the plaintiff that Mary Quickly,being a black woman, had no right to own a slave.The grounds for the suit had no relation whatever tothe race or color of the defendant, Mary Quickly.[12]

The only evidence at hand of the kind of relationsthat existed between black masters and their chattelslaves is supplied by the word of old men who rememberevents of the last two decades before the war.All that have been heard to speak of the matter areunanimously of the opinion that black masters haddifficulty in subordinating and controlling their slaves.William Mundin, a mulatto barber of Richmond, seventy-fiveyears of age, when interviewed, but still of trustworthymemory and character, is authority for the statementthat Reuben West, a comparatively wealthy free coloredbarber of Richmond, went into the slave market andpurchased a slave cook, but because of the spiritof insub ordination manifested by the slave womantoward him and his family he disposed of her by sale.James H. Hill, another free colored man to whose statementsa good degree of credence is due, corroborates inmany points this story about Reuben West as a slaveowner.His statement is that Reuben West was a free coloredbarber of some wealth and the owner at one time oftwo slaves, one of whom was a barber working in hismaster’s shop on Main Street. So much ofthese statements has been confirmed by reference totax books and court records that the entire storymay be accepted as true.

A TRULY BENEVOLENT SLAVERY

The type of black master represented by Reuben Westor Anthony Johnson must be distinguished from thecolored slaveowner who kept his slaves in bondage,not for their service, but wholly in considerationof the slaves. A very considerable majority ofblack masters, unlike the examples above cited, wereeasily the most benevolent known to history. Itwas owing to a drastic state policy toward freedmenthat this unusually benevolent type of slavery arose.

During the last quarter of the eighteenth centuryslaveowners in Virginia possessed unrestricted powersto bestow freedom upon their slaves. Under suchcircumstances free blacks became instrumental in procuringfreedom for many of their less fortunate kinsmen.They frequently advanced for a slave friend the priceat which his white master held him for sale and, havingliberated him, trusted him to refund the price of hisfreedom. A free member of a colored family wouldpurchase whenever able his slave relatives. Thefollowing deed of sale is a striking example of sucha purchase:

Know all men of these presents thatI David A. Jones of Amelia County of the onepart have for and in consideration of the sum of fivehundred dollars granted unto Frank Gromes a blackman of the other part a negro woman named Patienceand two children by name Phil and Betsy to haveand to hold the above named negroes to the only properuse, behalf and benefit of him and his heirs forever.

David Jones (seal)[13]

Phil Cooper, of Gloucester County, in 1828 was thechattel slave of his free wife. Janette Woodof Richmond was manumitted in 1795 by her mother,“natural love” being the only considerationnamed in the legal instrument. John Sabb, ofRichmond, purchased in 1801 his aged father-in-lawJulius and for the nominal consideration of five shillingsexecuted a deed of manumission.[14]

Purchases of this kind before 1806 were usually followedimmediately by manumission of the slave. Scatteredthrough the deeds and wills of Virginia County recordsin the quarter century ending with 1806 are to be foundnumerous documents of which the following is an example:

To all whom these presents may comeknow ye, that I Peter Hawkins a free black manof the city of Richmond having purchased my wife Rose,a slave about twenty-two years of age and by herhave had a child called Mary now about 18 mo.old, for the love I bear toward my wife and childhave thought proper to emancipate them and for thefurther consideration of five shillings to mein hand paid ... I emancipate and set freethe said Rose and Mary and relinquish all my right... as slaves to the said Rose and Mary.

Peter Hawkins (seal)[15]

Indeed the kindness of free Negroes toward their friendsand relatives seeking freedom afforded such an accessibleavenue to liberty that those vigilant white citizenswho desired to preserve the institution of slaverydeemed it necessary to put obstructions in the way.A law which required any slave manumitted after May1, 1806 to leave the State within the space of twelvemonths was passed in 1806 and remained in force untilthe war rendered it obsolete. Forfeiture of freedomwas the penalty for refusal to accept banishment.From this act dates the beginning of this benevolenttype of slavery. Free Negroes continued to purchasetheir relatives but held them as slaves, refusingto decree their banishment by executing a deed orwill of manumission.

A pathetic example of this kind was the case of NegroDaniel Webster of Prince William County. At theage of sixty when an illness forced him to the conclusionthat life was short, he sent a petition to the legislaturesaying that he had thus far avoided the evil consequencesof the law of 1806 by retaining his family in nominalslavery but that then he faced the alternative ofmanumitting his family to see it disrupted and banishedor of holding his slave family together till his death,when its members like other property belonging tohis estate would be sold as slaves to masters of adifferent type. He begged that exception be madeto the law of 1806 in the case of his wife and childrenso that he might feel at liberty to manumit them.[16]

A similar petition to the Legislature in 1839 by Ermana,a slave woman, stated that her husband and owner hadbeen a free man of color, that he had died intestateand that she, her children and her property had escheatedto the literary fund. Scores of similar petitionsto the Legislature for special acts of relief tellthe story of how black men and women who owned membersof their families neglected too long to remove fromthem the status of property.

A case more amusing than pathetic was that of BetsyFuller, a free Negro huckstress of Norfolk, and herslave husband. The colored man’s legalstatus was that of property belonging to his wife.Upon the approach of the Civil War he was blatantin his advocacy of Southern views, thus evincing hisindifference to emancipation.[17]

Feeble efforts were made by the legislature for ascore of years before the war to limit the power offree Negroes to acquire slaves for profit. Byan act of 1832 free Negroes were declared incapableof purchasing or otherwise acquiring permanent ownership,except by descent, of any slaves other than husband,wife, and children. Contracts for the sale ofa slave to a black man were to be regarded as void.[18]But even this attempt at limitation was passed bya bare majority of one.[19] Within three years ofthe beginning of the War the law was revised to read:“No free negro shall be capable of acquiring,except by descent, any slave.” [20] In the opinionof a judge who passed upon this law, its object was“to keep slaves as far as possible under thecontrol of white men only, and to prevent free negroesfrom holding persons of their own race in personalsubjection to themselves. Perhaps also it isintended to evince the distinctive superiority ofthe white race.” [21]

Whatever may have been their object these acts areof more significance because of the story they tellthan they ever were in accomplishing the emancipationof slaves from masters of the black race. Theperiod of the existence of the black master was conterminouswith the period of the existence of slavery.By the same immortal proclamation which broke theshackles of slaves serving white masters were rentasunder, also, the bonds which held slaves to mastersof their own race and color.

JOHN H. RUSSELL, PH.D., (Professor of PoliticalScience, Whitman College, Walla Walla, Washington.)

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Acknowledgments are due to the Johns Hopkins Pressfor permitting the use in this article of data includedin the author’s monograph entitled “TheFree Negro in Virginia, 1619-1865.”

[2] Hening’s Statutes at Large of Virginia,Vol. II, p. 280 (1670). Italics my own.

[3] Hening, Vol. V, p. 550.

[4] Original MS. Records of the County Court of Northampton.Orders, Deeds and Wills, 1651-1654, p. 20.

[5] Original MS. Records of the County Court of Northampton.Orders, Deeds and Wills, 1651-1654, p. 10.

[6] Original MS. Records of Northampton Co., 1651-1654,p. 200.

[7] MS. Land Patents of Virginia, 1643-1651, 326.

[8] MS. Court Records of Northampton Co., 1651-1654,p. 161.

[9] J. C. Hotten, “Lists of Emigrants to America,”pp. 218-258.

[10] MS. Deeds of Henrico County, No. 5, p. 585.

[11] MS Legislative Petitions, Dinwiddie County, 1833,A 5123, Virginia State Library.

[12] Orders of the Hustings Court of Richmond, Vol.5, p. 41.

[13] MS. Deeds of Henrico County, No. 4, p. 692.

[14] MS. Deeds of Henrico County, No. 6, p. 274.

[15] MS. Deeds of Henrico County, No. 6, p. 78.

[16] MS. Legislative Petitions, Prince William Co.,1812, Virginia State Library.

[17] Lower Norfolk County Antiquary, Vol.IV, p. 177.

[18] Acts of Assembly, 1831-1832, p. 20.

[19] Senate Journal, 1832, p. 176.

[20] Acts of Assembly, 1857-1858.

[21] Grattan’s Reports, Vol. 14, p. 260.

THE FUGITIVES OF THE PEARL

The traditional history of the Negro in America, duringnearly three hundred years, is one in which the elementsof pathos, humor and tragedy are thoroughly mixedand in which the experiences encountered are of a kindto grip the hearts and consciences of men of everyrace and every creed. Just as colonial Americansresented their enforced enlistment for maritime serviceunder the flag of King George, so it may be assumedthat with equal vigor did the little band of Africansobject to a forced expatriation from their nativewilds, even though, as it happened, they were destinedto be, in part, the builders of a great and prosperousnation and the progenitors of a strong and forward-lookingrace.

There are few incidents that distinguish the bondageof the descendants of that first boat load of involuntaryAfrican explorers, that evince, in so large a degree,the elements alluded to, as do those which clusterabout the story of the “Edmondson Children.”There were altogether fourteen sons and daughtersof Paul and Amelia who passed as devoutly pious andrespectable old folks. Paul was a freeman whohired his time in the city. Amelia was a slave.Their little cabin, a few miles out of the city ofWashington proper, was so neat and orderly that itwas regarded as a model for masters and slaves alikefor many miles around. They were thus permittedto live together by the owners of Amelia, who realizedhow much more valuable the children would be as amarketable group after some years of such care andattention as the mother would be sure to bestow.Milly, as she was familiarly called, reared the children,tilled the garden, and, being especially handy withthe needle, turned off many a job of sewing for thefamily of her mistress. She was entirely ignorantso far as books go, but Paul read the Bible to herwhen visiting his loved ones on Sunday and what heexplained she remembered and treasured up for comfortin her moments of despair.

The older boys and girls were hired out in prominentfamilies in the city and by their intelligence, orderlyconduct and other evidences of good breeding cameto be known far and wide as “The Edmondson Children,”the phrase being taken as descriptive of all thatwas excellent and desirable in a slave. The oneincurable grief of these humble parents was that inbringing children into the world they were helpingto perpetuate the institution of slavery. Thefear that any day might bring to them the cruel pangsof separation and the terrible knowledge that theirloved ones had been condemned to the horrors of theauction block was with them always a constant shadow,darkening each waking moment. More and ever more,they were torn with anxiety for the future of thechildren and so they threw themselves with increasingfaith and dependence upon the Master of all, and novisit of the children was so hurried or full of othermatters but that a few moments were reserved for prayer.At their departure, one after another was claspedto the mother’s breast and always this earnestadmonition followed them, “Be good childrenand the blessed Lord will take care of you.”Louisa and Joseph, the two youngest, were still athome when there occurred events in which several oftheir older brothers and sisters took so prominenta part and which are here to be related.

The incidents of this narrative which are reflectedin its title are contemporary with and in a measureresultant from the revolution out of which came theestablishment of the first French Republic and theexpulsion of Louis-Philippe in 1848. The citizensof the United States were felicitating their brothersacross the water upon the achievement of so desirablea result. In Washington especially, the eventwas joyously acclaimed. Public meetings wereheld at which representatives of the people in bothhouses of Congress spoke encouragingly of the recentadvance toward universal liberty. The city wasregally adorned with flags and bunting and illuminationand music everywhere. The White House was elaboratelydecorated in honor of the event and its general observance,scheduled for April 13. A procession of nationaldignitaries, local organizations and the civic authorities,accompanied by several bands of music and throngs ofcitizens, made its way to the open square (now LafayettePark) opposite the White House. Speeches werein order. Among the addresses which aroused thelarge crowd to enthusiasm were those of Senator Pattersonof Tennessee and Senator Foote of Mississippi.[1]The former likened the Tree of Liberty to the greatcotton-wood tree of his section, whose seed is blownfar and wide, while the latter spoke eloquently ofthe universal emancipation of man and the approachingrecognition in all countries of the great principlesof equality and brotherhood.

Here and there huddled unobtrusively in groups onthe fringe of the crowd were numbers of slaves.The enthusiasm of the throng, frequently manifestedin shouts of approval, was discreetly reflected inthe suppressed excitement of the slaves, who whisperedamong themselves concerning the curious and incredibleexpressions they had heard. Could it possiblybe that these splendid truths, this forecast of universalliberty, might include them too? A few of themore intelligent, among whom was Samuel Edmondson,drew together to discuss the event and were not longconcluding that the authority they had listened tocould not be questioned and that they should at oncecontribute their share towards so desirable a consummation.

Coincident with this celebration there had arrivedat Washington the schooner Pearl with DanielDrayton[2] as super-cargo, Captain Sayres, owner,and a young man, Chester English, as sailor and cook.Drayton witnessed the great demonstration near theWhite House and, as might have been expected, thesentiment that seemed to have won all Washington founda natural and active response, for when the news ofthe purpose of his visit was communicated by the womanfor whose deliverance he had agreed to make the trip,he was appealed to on behalf of others and consentedto take all who should be aboard by ten o’clockthat night.

The Edmondson boys actively promoted the scheme and,rightly in so just a cause, abused the privilegeswhich their integrity and unusual intelligence hadwon for them. The news was passed to an aggregateof 77 persons, all of whom faithfully appeared andwere safely stowed away between decks before midnight.Samuel sought his sisters Emily and Mary at their placesof employment and acquainted them with his purpose.They at first hesitated on account of the necessityof leaving without seeing their mother, but were soonpersuaded that it was an opportunity they should notbe willing to neglect.

The Pearl cast free from her moorings shortlyafter midnight Saturday and silently, with no signof life aboard, save running lights fore and aft,crept out to mid-stream and made a course towards thelower Potomac. The condition that obtained onSunday morning after the discovery of the absenceof so many slaves from their usual duties may be accuratelydescribed as approaching a panic. Had the evidencesof a dreadful plague become as suddenly manifest,the community could not have experienced a greatersense of horror or for the moment been more thoroughlyparalyzed. A hundred or more families were affectedthrough the action of these seventy and seven slavesand the stern proofs of their flight were many timesmultiplied.

The action of the masters in this emergency is eloquenttestimony that the fine orations of two days beforeconcerning the spread of liberty and universal brotherhoodhad been nothing more than so many meaningless conversations.When confronted on Sunday morning with the fact thattheirs and their neighbors’ slaves, in so greatnumbers, had disappeared during the night, the realizationof the difference between popular enthusiasm for asentiment and a real sacrifice for a principle wasborne in upon them and they found that while theyenjoyed the former they were not at all ready to espousethe latter.

As a result the day was but little advanced when anexcited cavalcade of the masters, after scouring everyportion of the city, broke for the open country tothe North, designing to cover each of the roads leadingfrom the city. They had not reached the Districtlimits, however, when they whirled about and gallopedfuriously in the opposite direction and never checkedrein, until panting and foaming, their horses werebrought up at the wharves. A vessel was charteredand steamed away almost immediately on its missionto capture the party of runaway slaves.

Fate, which occasionally plays such strange and crueltricks in the lives of men, presented in this instancea Machiavellian combination of opposing forces, thatwas disastrous to the enterprise of the fugitives.Judson Diggs,[3] one of their own people, a man whoin all reason might have been expected to sympathizewith their effort, took upon himself the role of Judas.Judson was a drayman and had hauled some packages tothe wharf for one of the slaves, who was without fundsto pay the charge, and although he was solemnly promisedthat the money should be sent him, he proceeded atonce to wreak vengeance through a betrayal of the entireparty.

Even so, it would seem they might have had an excellentchance to escape, but for the adverse winds and tideswhich set against them towards the close of Sunday.They were approaching the open waters of the Bay andthe little vessel was already pitching and tossingas from the lashing of a gale. The captain decidedthat it was the part of prudence to remain withinthe more quiet waters of the Potomac for the nightand make the open sea by light of day. Underthese circumstances they put into Cornfield Harborand here in the quiet hours before midnight the pursuingmasters found them.

It is difficult to realize the consternation feltby the fugitives when the noise of tramping feet andthe voices of angry men broke upon their ears.They seemed to realize at once that they were lostand many gave themselves up to shrieks and tears untilwise counsel prevailed. Captain Drayton and hismate were immediately the storm center of the infuriatedmasters, many of whom were loud in the demand thatsummary vengeance be wreaked upon them and that thesetwo at least should be hung from the yard arm.It was easily possible that this demand might havebeen acceded to, had not a diversion been caused bysome of the others who were anxious to locate the slaves.

To satisfy themselves as to their safety they proceededto break open the hatchways when, so suddenly as tocreate something of a panic, Richard Edmondson boundedon deck and in a voice of suppressed excitement exclaimed,“Do yourselves no harm, gentlemen, for we areall here!” Richard was young, muscular and ofsplendid proportions and seeing him thus by the poorlight of smoky lanterns, with flashing eyes and swingingarms, leaping into their midst with an unknown numberof others following, some of the masters experienceda feeling of terror, and dropping their guns, scurriedaway to safety among the dark shadows of the vessel.

By the time the others reached the deck, the shockof Richard’s strange appearance had somewhatdied away and when Samuel, who was one of the last,appeared, a sharp blow which, but for a sudden lurchof the vessel, would have laid him low fell on oneside of his head. Drayton and Sayres,[4] whowere witnesses of this incident, were horrified tothink that, having not so much as a penknife withwhich to defend themselves, these poor creatures mightbe brutally murdered, and, notwithstanding the seriousaspect of their own fortunes,[5] protested vigorouslyagainst such violence. But for this timely interference,there is but little doubt that some of these poorpeople would have been cruelly if not fatally injured.

The true condition of affairs, however, was speedilyrecognized and seeing there was nothing to fear inthe way of resistance, order was soon evolved outof the general chaos and then came the decision tomake an early start on the return trip. Amongthe slaves, the reaction from a feeling of hope andjoyous anticipation of the delights of freedom wasterrible indeed. The bitter gall and wormwoodof failure was the sad and gloomy portion of theseseventy and seven souls. Among them then therewere but few who were not completely crushed, theirminds a seething torrent, in which regret, miseryand despair made battle for the mastery. Childrenweeping and wailing clung to the skirts of their elders.The women with shrieks, groans and tearful lamentationsdeplored their sad fate, while the men, securely chainedwrist and wrist together, stood with heads droppedforward, too dazed and wretched for aught but to turntheir stony gaze within upon the wild anguish of theiraching hearts.

Their arrival at Washington was signalized by a demonstrationvastly different but little short of that which hadtaken place a few days before. The wharves werealive with an eager and excited throng all intent upona view of the miserable folks who had been guiltyof so ungrateful an effort. So disorderly wasthe mob that the debarkation was for some time delayed.This was finally accomplished through the strenuousefforts of the entire constabulary of the city.

The utmost watchfulness and care was, however, unavailingto prevent assaults. The most serious instanceof this kind was the act of an Irish ruffian, whoso far forgot the traditions and sufferings of hisown people as to cast himself upon Drayton with ahuge dirk and cut off a piece of his ear.[6] For afew moments all the horrors incident to riot and bloodshedwere in evidence. The air was filled with thescreams of terrorized women and children and the cursesand threats of vengeful men. The whole was astruggling, swaying mass, which for a season had beenswept beyond itself by brutish passion.

Numerous arrests were made and in due course the marchto the jail was begun with the accompanying crowdhurling taunts and jeers at every step. Whilethey were proceeding thus, an onlooker said to Emily,“Aren’t you ashamed to run away and makeall this trouble for everybody?” To this shereplied, “No sir, we are not and if we had togo through it again, we’d do the same thing.”

The controversy that was precipitated through theattempted escape, between the advance guard of abolitionand the defenders of slavery, was most bitter andviolent. The storm broke furiously about the officesof The National Era. In Congress, Mr.Giddings of Ohio moved an “inquiry into thecause of the detention at the District jail of personsmerely for attempting to vindicate their inalienablerights.” Senator Hale of New Hampshiremoved a resolution of “inquiry into the necessityfor additional laws for the protection of propertyin the District."[7] A committee consisting of suchnotable characters as the Channings, Samuel May, SamuelHowe, Richard Hildreth, Samuel Sewell and Robert Morris,Jr., was formed at Boston to furnish aid and defensefor Drayton. These men were empowered to employcounsel and collect money. Horace Mann, WilliamH. Seward, Salmon P. Chase and Fessenden of Mainevolunteered to serve gratuitously.[8]

Other philanthropists directed their attention tothe liberation of these slaves. The Edmondsonswere owned by an estate. The administrator, whowas approached by John Brent,[9] the husband of theoldest sister of the children, agreed to give theirfriends an opportunity to effect their purchase, ashe was unwilling to run any further risk by keepingthem. He failed to keep this promise and whenMr. Brent went to see them the next day he was informedthat they had been sold to Bruin and Hill, the slave-dealersof Alexandria and Baltimore, and had been sent to theformer city. A cash sum of $4,500 had been acceptedfor the six children and when taxed with the failureto keep his promise, he simply said he was unwillingto take any further risk with them. Bruin alsorefused to listen to any proposals, saying he hadlong had his eyes on the family and could get twicewhat he paid for them in the New Orleans market.

They were first taken to the slave pens at Alexandria,where they remained nearly a month. Here thegirls were required to do the washing for a dozenor more men with the assistance of their brothers andwere at length put aboard a steamboat and taken toBaltimore where they remained three weeks. Throughthe exertions of friends at Washington, $900 was giventowards their freedom by a grandson of John JacobAstor, and this was appropriated towards the ransomof Richard, as his wife and children were said to beill and suffering at Washington. The money arrivedon the morning they were to sail for New Orleans butthey had all been put aboard the brig Union,which was ready to sail, and the trader refused toallow Richard to be taken off. The voyage toNew Orleans covered a period of seven days, duringwhich much discomfort and suffering were experienced.There were eleven women in the party, all of whomwere forced to live in one small apartment, and themen numbering thirty-five or forty, in another notmuch larger. Most of them being unaccustomedto travel by water were afflicted with all the horrors

of sea-sickness. Emily’s suffering fromthis cause was most pitiable and so serious was hercondition at one time that the boys feared she woulddie. The brothers, however, as in all circumstances,were very kind and would tenderly carry her out ondeck whenever the heat in their close quarters becametoo oppressive and would buy little comforts thatwere in their reach and minister in all possible waysto her relief.

In due course they arrived at New Orleans and wereimmediately initiated into the horrors of a Georgiapen. The girls were required to spend much timein the show room, where purchasers came to examinethem carefully with a view to buying them. Onone occasion a youthful dandy had applied for a youngperson whom he wished to install as housekeeper andthe trader decided that Emily would just about meetthe requirements, but when he called her she was foundto be indulging in a fit of weeping. The youth,therefore, refused to consider her, saying that hehad no room for the snuffles in his house. Theloss of this transaction so incensed the trader, whosaid he had been offered $1,500 for the proper person,that he slapped Emily’s face and threatenedto send her to the calaboose, if he found her cryingagain.

Here also the boys had their hair closely croppedand their clothes, which were of good material, exchangedfor suits of blue-jeans. Appearing thus, theywere daily exhibited on the porch for sale. Richard,who was in reality free, as his purchase money wason deposit in Baltimore, was allowed to come and goat will and early bent his energies toward the discoveryof their elder brother Hamilton,[10] who was livingsomewhere in the city. His quest was soon rewardedwith success and one day to the delight of his sistersand brothers he brought him to see them. Hamiltonhad never seen Emily, as he had been sold away fromhis parents before her birth, but his joy, thoughmingled with sorrow, could not be suppressed.He was soon busy with plans for the increase of theirmeager comforts. Finding upon inquiry that Hamiltonwas thoroughly responsible, the trader consented tothe girls’ spending their nights at their brother’shome. He was also at pains to secure good homesfor the unfortunate group and was successful in inducinga wealthy Englishman to purchase his brother Samuel.

In consequence of an epidemic of yellow fever, whichincreased in virulence from day to day, the tradersdecided to bring the slaves North without furtherdelay and so a few days later they were reembarkedon the brig Union with Baltimore as their destination.Samuel was the only one of the brothers and sistersleft behind. As he was pleasently situated withhumane and kindly owners, the parting from him wasnot so sad as otherwise it might have been. Sixteendays were required for the trip and upon their arrivalthey were again placed in the same old prison.Richard was almost immediately freed and, in companywith a Mr. Bigelow, of Washington, was enabled torejoin his wife and children.

Paul Edmondson visited his children at the Baltimorejail in company with their sister.[11] He had beenencouraged to hope that in some way a fund might beraised for their ransom, but it was not until someweeks later, after they had been returned throughWashington and again placed in their old slave quartersat Alexandria, that an understanding as to terms couldbe had with Bruin and Hill. They finally agreedto accept $2,250 if the amount was raised within acertain time and gave Paul a signed statement of theterms, which might be used as his credentials in thematter of soliciting assistance. Armed with thisdocument, he arrived at New York and found his wayto the Anti-Slavery office, where the price demandedwas considered so exorbitant that but little encouragementwas given him. From here he went to the homeof Rev. Henry Ward Beecher, where he arrived foot-soreand weary. After ringing the bell, he sat uponthe doorstep weeping. Here Mr. Beecher foundhim and, taking him into his library, inquired hisstory.

As a result there followed a public meeting in Mr.Beecher’s Brooklyn church, at which he pleadedpassionately as if for his own children, while otherclergymen spoke with equal interest and feeling.The money was raised, an agent appointed to consummatethe ransom of the children, and Paul, with a senseof happiness and relief to which he had long been astranger, started with the good news on his way homeward.

Meanwhile the girls were torn with doubt and anxietyas to the success of their father’s mission.Several weeks had elapsed and the traders were againgetting together a coffle of slaves for shipment tothe slave market, this time to that in South Carolina.The girls, too, had been ordered to be in readinessand the evening before had broken down in tears whenBruin’s young daughter, who was a favorite withthe girls, sought them out and pleaded with them notto go. Emily told her to persuade her father notto send them and so she did, while clinging aroundhis neck until he had not the heart to refuse.

A day or two later, while looking from their window,they caught sight of their father and ran into hisarms shouting and crying. So great was theirjoy that they did not notice their father’s companion,a Mr. Chaplin, the agent appointed at the New Yorkmeeting to take charge of the details of their ransom.These were soon completed, their free papers signedand the money paid over. Bruin, too, it is said,was pleased with the joy and happiness in evidenceon every hand and upon bidding the girls good-byegave each a five dollar gold piece.

Upon their arrival at Washington they were taken ina carriage to their sister’s home, whence thenews of their deliverance seemed to have penetratedto every corner of the neighborhood with the resultthat it was far into the night before the last greetingsand congratulations had been received and they werepermitted, in the seclusion of the family circle, tokneel with their parents in prayer and thanksgiving.[12]

In the meantime what had become of Samuel? WhenHamilton Edmondson was seeking to locate his sistersand brothers in desirable homes in New Orleans, hefirst saw Mr. Horace Cammack, a prosperous cotton merchant,whose friendship and respect he had long since wonand who, upon the further representation of Samuel’sproficiency as a butler, agreed to purchase him.In this wise, it came to pass that Samuel was dulyinstalled as upper houseman in the Cammack home.Although situated more happily than most slaves hewas fully determined, as ever, that the world shouldone day know and respect him as a free man, and patientlywaited and watched for the opportunity to accomplishhis purpose.

Meanwhile another element had thrust itself into theequation and must be reckoned with in the solutionof the problem of his after life. It happenedthat Mrs. Cammack, a lady of much beauty and refinementof manner, had in her employ as maid, a young girlof not more than eighteen years named Delia Taylor.She was tall, graceful and winsome, of the clear mulattotype, and through long service in close contact withher mistress, had acquired that refinement and culture,which elicit the admiration and delight of those inlike station and inspire a feeling much akin to reverencein those more lowly placed. With some difficultySamuel approached her with a proposal and, althoughat first refused, finally won her as his bride.

Matters now moved along on pleasant lines for Samueland Delia during several months, but with the adventof Master Tom, Cammack’s son who had been awayto college, there was encountered an element of discord,which was for a while to destroy their happiness.This young gentleman took a violent dislike to Samuelfrom the very first meal the latter served him.They finally clashed and Samuel had to run away.His master, however, sent his would-be-oppressor withthe rest of the family to the country and orderedSamuel to return home. This he did and immediatelyentered upon his duties.

The year following, Mr. Cammack went to Europe oncotton business and not long after his arrival waskilled in a violent storm while yachting with friendsoff the coast of Norway. After this event, affairsin the life of Samuel gradually approached a crisis,while in the meantime an additional responsibilityhad been added to himself and Delia in the person ofa little boy, whom they named David.

Master Tom, being now the head of the house, leftlittle room for doubt as to the authority he had inheritedand proceeded to evince the same in no uncertain way,especially towards those against whom he held a grievance.To get rid of Samuel was first in order. Thiswas the easiest possible matter, for there was nota wealthy family on the visiting list of the Cammackswho would not, even at some sacrifice, make a placefor him in their service. Through the close intimacyof Mrs. Cammack and Mrs. Slidell, the latter was given

the refusal and Samuel told to go around and see hisfuture Mistress. To her he expressed a desireto serve in her employ but he was now determined morethan ever that his next master should be himself.Accordingly he proceeded directly to a friend fromwhom he purchased a set of free-papers, which hadbeen made out and sold him by a white man. Theserequired that he should start immediately up the riverbut upon a full consideration of the matter he decidedthat the risks were too great in that direction.The problem was a serious one. An error of judgment,a step in the wrong direction, would not only be aserious, if not fatal blow to his hopes, but mightlead to untold hardships to others most dear to him.

Somewhat irresolutely he turned his steps towardsthe river front, gazing with longing eyes at the stretchof water, the many ships in harbor, some entering,others steaming away or being towed out to open water.The thought that in this direction, beyond the wideseas, lay his refuge and ultimate hope came to himwith so much force as to cause him to reel like oneon whom a severe blow had been dealt. He stoodfor some time, seemingly bewildered, in the din andnoise of the wharf, noting abstractedly the many balesof cotton, as truck after truck-load was rushed aboardan outward bound steamer. The bales seemed tofascinate him completely. A stevedore yelledat him to move out of the way and aroused him intoaction, but in that interval an idea which seemedto offer a possible means of escape had been evolved.He would impersonate a merchant from the West Indiesin search of a missing bale of goods and endeavorto get passage to the Islands, where he well knewthe flag of free England was abundant guarantee forhis protection. The main thought seemed a happyone, for he soon found a merchantman that was to clearthat night for Jamaica. It was not a passengervessel, but the captain, a good-natured Briton, saidthat he had an extra bunk in the cabin and if thegentleman did not mind roughing it, he would be gladto have his company. The first step towards hisfreedom was successfully taken, the money paid downfor the passage and with the injunction from the captainto be aboard by nine o’clock he returned ashore.

Only a few hours now remained to him, before a long,perhaps a lasting separation from his dear wife andbaby, and thinking to pass these with them he hurriedthence by the most unfrequented route, but had hardlycrossed the threshold when Delia, weeping bitterly,implored him to make good his escape, as Master Tomhad already sent the officers to look for him.With a last, fond embrace and a tear, which, fallingupon that cradled babe, meant present sorrow, butno less future hope, the husband and father made hisway under the friendly shadows of the night, back tothe waiting ship.

When the officer from the custom house came aboardto inspect the ship’s papers Samuel was resting,apparently without concern, in the upper bunk of thelittle cabin.

The captain seated himself at the center table, oppositethe officer, and spread the papers before him.“Heigho, I see you have a passenger this trip,”and then read from the sheet: “Samuel Edmondson,Jamaica, W.I., thirty years old. General Merchant.”

“Yes,” said the captain as he concluded.“Mr. Edmondson asked for passage at the lastmoment and as he was alone and we had a bunk not inservice, I thought I’d take him along.He has a valuable bale of goods astray, probably atJamaica, and is anxious to return and look it up.”

“Well I hope he may find it. Where is he?let’s have a look at him.”

“Mr. Edmondson, will you come this way a moment?”called the captain.

As may be imagined the subject of this conversationhad been listening intently and now when it was demandedthat he present himself, he murmured a fervent “Godhelp me” and jumped nimbly to the deck.

“This is my passenger,” said the Captain,and to Samuel he said: “The customs officersimply wished to see you, Mr. Edmondson.”

Samuel bowed and stood at ease, resting one hand uponthe table and in this attitude without the quiverof an eyelash or the flinching of a muscle, bore thesearching look of the officer, which rested first uponhis face and then upon his hand. The flush ofexcitement still mounting his cheek and brow, gavea bronzed swarthiness and decidedly un-American castto his rich brown color, while his features, clean-cutand but slightly of the Negro type, with hands wellshaped and nails quite clean, were a combination ofconditions rarely met in the average slave. Thefirst glance of suspicion was almost immediately lostto view in the smile of friendly greeting with whichthe officer’s hand was extended. “Ihope you may recover your goods,” were the wordshe said and, rising, added: “I must beoff.” The captain had meanwhile placed hisliquor chest on the table and, in a glass of goodold Jamaica rum, a hearty “Bon voyage”and responsive “Good wishes” wereexchanged.

The subsequent story of Samuel, interesting and adventurousas it is, scarcely comes within the scope of the purposeof this article. After a brief stay at Jamaica,Samuel sailed before the mast on an English schoonercarrying a cargo of dye-wood to Liverpool. Twoyears were passed here in the service of a wealthymerchant, whom he had served while a guest of hisformer master in New Orleans. During the thirdyear he was joined by his wife and boy who had beenliberated by their mistress. Subsequently thefamily took passage for Australia under the protectionof a relative of his Liverpool employer, who was returningto extensive mining and sheep-raising interests nearthe rapidly growing city of Melbourne.[13]

JOHN H. PAYNTER, A.M.

THE EDMONSONS
============================================================
====================
Descendants of Paul and Amelia Edmondson
------------|----------------|------------------|-----------
------|-------------
Children | Grandchildren |G. Grandchildren | G.G. | G.G.G.
| | | Grandchildren |Grandchildren
------------|----------------|------------------|-----------
------|-------------
1. Hamilton | | | |
Edmonson | | | |
| | | |
2. Elizabeth|1. Catharine |1. JohnH. Paynter|1. Verden T. |
Edmonson m.| Brent m. James | m. MinnieH. | Paynter |
John Brent | H. Paynter ’60 | Pillow |2. Brent Paynter |
|d. 64 | |3. Cary Paynter |
| | | |
| |2. Minerva | |
| | Paynter | |
| | | |
|2.Martha Brent |1. Claude DeWitt | |
|m. Wm. H. Bell | Bell | |
| | | |
| |2. Adelbert Bell |1. Marie---- |
| | m. 1. ---- |2. AlbertineBell |
| | 2.---- | |
| | | |
|3.Amelia Brent |1. James Wormley | |
|m. Garrett | m. 1. Lena Champ| |
|Smith Wormley | 2. Emma Davis | |
| | | |
| |2. Garrett |1. AmeliaWormley |
| | Wormley m. 1. |2. Julian Wormley|
| | Rebecca Webster,| |
| | 2. Cora Nickens,| |
| | 3. Emily ---- | |
| | | |
| |3. C. Sumner | |
| | Wormley | |
| | | |
| |4.Edith Wormley | |
| | m. Harry S. | |
| | Minton | |
| | |

|
| |5.Smith Wormley |1. Lowell Wormley|
| | m. ---- Cheatham|2. Edith Wormley |
| | | |
| |6. Clem Wormley |1. SwanLeon |
| | m. ---- ---- | Wormley |
| | |2. Clementine |
| | | Wormley |
| | | |
| |7. Roscoe Wormley|1. SumnerWormley |
| | m. ---- ---- |2. Roscoe Wormley|
| | | |
| |8. Leon Wormley |1. Elizabeth |
| | m. ---- Anderson| Wormley |
| | | |
|4.Emily Brent |1. Corinne | |
|m. Wm.L. | Freeman | |
|Freeman | | |
| |2. Olive Freeman | |
| | | |
| |3. Fred Dent |1. Reginald |1. ---- Freeman
| | Freeman m. Lucy | Freeman |
| | Standard | m. ---- ---- |
| | | |
|5.John S. Brent|1. Ellsworth | |
|m. 1. Margaret | Brent m. | |
|2. Rebecca | Jennie Howard | |
| | | |
| |2. Marion | |
| | | |
| |3. Julia | |
| | | |
| |4. Edna | |
| | | |
|6.Rebecca Brent|1. Ella Wright m.| |
|m. John Wright | James H. Payne | |
| | | |
| |2. Ira Wright m. | |
| | Ruth Taylor | |
| | | |
| |3. Marie Wright |1. FrancisEnnis |
| | m. Robt. E. | Syphax |
| | Syphax |2. Robt.E. |
| | | Syphax |
|7.Calvin Brent |1. Marguerite | |
|m. 1. Albertine| Brent | |
|Jones | | |
|2. ---- ---- |2. Ethel Brent | |
| | | |
| |3. Ralph Brent | |
| | | |
| |4.Alfred Brent |1. Janice Brent |
| | m. ---- ---- | |
| | | |
| |5. Clarence Brent|1. ---- ---- |
| | m. ---- ---- | |
| | | |
| |6. Ernestine | |
| | Brent | |
| | | |
| |7. John Brent | |
| | m. ---- Cook | |
| | | |
|8.Wm. Brent | | |
| | | |
3. Ephraim |1. Narcissa | | |
Edmondson | Edmondson m. | | |
|George Tossett | | |
|2. ---- Massey | | |
| | | |
|2.Oliver |1. ---- Edmondson| |
|Edomondson | | |
|m. ---- ---- | | |
| | | |
4. Richard |1. Sophoenia | | |
Edmondson | Edmondson | | | m. ------ | m. ---- Fairfax| | |
| | | |
|2.Sallie |1. Wm. Freeman | |
|Edmondson m. | m. ---- ---- | |
|Benj. Freeman | | |
| |2.George Freeman | |
| | | |
5. Martha |1. Edward Young |1. WalterYoung |1. Dorothy |
Edmondson | m. Josephine | m. BelleSteves | Maxwell Young | m. | Johnson | |2. Alex. Helene | 1. Edward | | | Young |
Young, | | | | 2. Levi | | |3. Elizabeth |
Penaington | | | Martha Young |
| | |4. Edward Owen |
| | | Young |
| | |5. Isabel Young |
| | | |
| |2. Mollie Young | |
| | m. ---- Thomas | |
| | | |
6. Eveline |1. Julia Ingram |1. ---- ---- | |
Edmondson | m. Joseph | | | m. Wm. B. | Becket | | |
Ingram |2. Martha Ingram|1. WilliamCoxton| |
|m. Mason Coxton|2. Fred Coxton | |
| |3. Mason Coxton | |
| |4. Joseph Coxton | |
| |5. Mary Coxton | |
| |6. Julia Coxton | |
| |7. Eva Coxton | |
| | m. Carl Seward | |
| | | |
|3.Eveline |1. Marie Johnson | |
|Ingram m. Wm. | m. ---- Mosely | |
|Johnson | | |
| | | |
|4.William | | |
|Ingram m. | | |
| ---- ---- | | |
| | | |
|5.JosephIngram | | |
| | | |
7. Saml. |1. David | | |
Edmondson | Edmondson | | |
| | | |
|2.Amelia | | |
|Edmondson | | |
| | | |
|3.Robt. |1. Albion | |
|Wellington | Edmondson | |
|Edmondson m. |2. Delia | |
| | Edmondson | |
|Evie Bastien |3. Hugh Edmondson| |
| | | |
8. Emily |1. Ida Johnson |1. IreneBerry | |
Edmondson | m. Jas. Berry |2. AnnitaBerry | | m. Larkin | |3. Wallace Berry | |
Johnson | | | |
|2.Fannie |1. ---- ---- | |
|Johnson | | |
|m. Rezin H. |2. ---- ---- | |
|Shipley | | |
| | | |
|3.Emma Johnson |1. Bernard | |
|m. Wallace | Chapman | |
|Chapman |2. Garrett | |
| | Chapman | |
| | | |
|4.Robt. Johnson|1. ---- Johnson | |
|m. ---- ---- |2. ---- Johnson | |
| | | |
9. Henrietta| | | |
Edmondson | | | |
| | | |
10. John | | | |
Edmondson | | | |
| | | |
11. Eliza | | | |
Edmondson | | | |
| | | |
12. Mary | | | |
Edmondson | | | |
| | | |
13. Joseph | | | |
Edmondson | | | | m. Alice | | | | ---- | | | |
| | | |
14. Louisa |1. Annita L. Joy| | |
Rebecca | m. Wm. A. Clark| | |
Edmondson | | | | m. Gilbert |2. LulaJoy m. | | |
L. Joy | Arthur Brooks | | |
| | | |
|3.Gilbert L. |1. Corelli Dancy | |
|Joy, Jr., m. | Joy | |
|Margaret Jones | | |
| | | |
------------------------------------------------------------
---------------------

FOOTNOTES:

[1] The Washington Union, April 14, 1848.

[2] Daniel Drayton was a native of New Jersey whohad spent several years
following the water.He had risen from cook to captain in the
wood-carrying businessfrom the Maurice River to Philadelphia.
Eventually he engagedin coast traffic from Philadelphia southward.
He seemed to have driftedquite naturally from strong humane
impulses, intensifiedby an old-time spiritual conversion, into a
settled conviction thatthe fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of
man was a reality andthat it was his duty to do what he could to
assist those in bondage.

Latterly his voyages had carried himinto the Chesapeake Bay and thence up the Potomac.His first successful effort to assist the slaveswas made on an earlier trip when he agreed to takeaway a woman and five children. The husbandwas already a free man. The woman had underan agreement with her master more than paid for herliberty, but when she had asked for a settlement,he had only answered by threatening to sell her.The mother and five children were taken aboardat night and after ten days were safely deliveredat Frenchtown, where the husband was in waitingfor them. Memoir of Daniel Drayton, CongressionalLibrary.

[3] The only punishment meted out to Judson Diggsfor his act of betrayal,
so far as is known,was that by a party of young men who, shortly
after the occurrence,took him from his cart and after considerable
rough handling, threwhim into the little stream that in those days
and indeed for manyyears thereafter, took its way along the north
side of the old JohnWesley Church, then located at a spot directly
opposite the north cornerof the Convent of the Sacred Heart on
Connecticut Avenue,between L and M Streets.

A number of old citizensnow living distinctly remember Judson Diggs,
who lived, despisedand avoided, until late in the sixties. One of
these is Mr. JeromeA. Johnson of the Treasury Department.

[4] Memoir of Daniel Drayton, Congressional Library.

[5] The case against Drayton and Sayres was prosecutedby Philip Barton
Key, the District Attorney,before Judge Crawford, and on appeal the
prisoners were sentencedto pay a fine of $10,000 and to remain in
jail until the sameshould be paid.

English was absolvedfrom all criminal responsibility and given his
liberty.

After an imprisonmentof more than four years they were pardoned by
President Fillmore,to whom such application had been presented by
Charles Sumner.—­Memoirof Daniel Drayton.

The fare at the jail was insufficientand of poor quality and a more wholesome andgenerous diet was frequently surreptitiously furnishedby Susannah Ford, a colored woman, who sold lunchesin the lobby of the Court House.

[6] Stowe, “Key to Uncle Tom’s Cabin.”

[7] The National Era, April 16, 1848.

[8] Memoir of Daniel Drayton.

[9] John Brent, the husband of Elizabeth, the oldestof the Edmondson girls, had first bought himself,earning the money chiefly by sawing wood; had thenbought the freedom of his father, Elton Brent, forwhom he paid $800, and finally bought Elizabeth’sfreedom, after which they were married. He purchasedthe ground at the southwest corner of 18th and L streets,now owned by his heirs, and erected a small frame dwelling.This was later enlarged and there the John WesleyA. M. E. Zion Church was established. He wasa laborer in the War Department during forty yearsand died in 1885.—­From interviews withMr. Brent and other members of the family.

[10] Hamilton Edmondson was sold in the New Orleansslave market about the year 1840 and took the nameof his purchaser and was thereafter known as HamiltonTaylor. He learned the trade of cooper and wasallowed a percentage of his earnings, but was unfortunatein having his first savings stolen. He eventuallyacquired his freedom through the payment of $1,000.

[11] He continued in the cooperage business, was highlyrespected and became comparatively wealthy, havinga place of business on Girard near Camp street.John S. Brent, who is his nephew and the son of theJohn Brent heretofore mentioned in this narrative,spent a week with his uncle, Hamilton Taylor, in 1865,on his return from Texas, when, as a member of theFifth Massachusetts Cavalry, he was mustered out ofthe service.—­Interview with John S. Brent.

[12] The fame of the Edmondson children through theincident of the Pearl
was now wide indeed,and after the Brooklyn meeting there had been
made many suggestionslooking to their education and further benefit.
The movement for theeducation of Emily and Mary was crystallized
into a definite propositionand they were both placed in a private
school a short distanceout of New York. Miss Myrtilla Miner had
already establishedher school for girls at Washington and had moved
to a new location atabout what is now the square bounded by 19th,
20th, N and O streets.Here, after returning from New York, Emily
assisted Miss Minerin the school and it was in one of the little

cabins on this placethat the Edmondson family established their home
after moving in fromthe country. Miss Miner, speaking of the
establishment of herschool at its new location, says: “Emilyand I
lived here alone, unprotectedexcept by God, the rowdies occasionally
stoning the house atevening and we nightly retired in the
expectation that thehouse would be fired before morning. Emily andI
have been seen practicingshooting with a pistol.”—­MyrtillaMiner,
“A Memoir,”Congressional Library; “Key to Uncle Tom’sCabin.”

The parents of the children, however,were not yet entirely relieved of the fears thathad so long haunted them, for there were still thetwo youngest children, Louisa and Joseph, whomthe good mother frequently alluded to as “thelast two drops of blood in her heart,” andalthough she had scarcely ever seen a railroad train,she determined to go to New York herself to seewhat could be done and to thank the good peoplewho had already brought so much of happiness to herselfand family. While the mother was in that citythe girls were brought to see her and in lateryears she often delighted to tell of their happymeeting and of the good white folks who were broughttogether to hear her story. She returnedto Washington at the end of a week, carryingthe assurance that the money would be provided forthe redemption of the last two of her children.

Mrs. Louisa Joy, thelast of the “Edmondson Children,” diedonly a
short while ago.

[13] Note.—­This personal narrativeof Samuel Edmondson was related by himself at hishome in Anacostia where he died several years ago.

LORENZO DOW[1]

This is the record of a remarkable and eccentric whiteman who devoted himself to a life of singular laborand self-denial. In any consideration of theSouth one could not avoid giving at least passing noticeto Lorenzo Dow as the foremost itinerant preacherof his time, as the first Protestant who expoundedthe gospel in Alabama and Mississippi, and as a reformerwho, at the very moment when cotton was beginningto be supreme, presumed to tell the South that slaverywas wrong.

He arrests attention—­this gaunt, restlesspreacher. With his long hair, his flowing beard,his harsh voice, and his wild gesticulation, he wasso rude and unkempt as to startle all conservativehearers. Said one of his opponents: “Hismanners (are) clownish in the extreme; his habit andappearance more filthy than a savage Indian, his publicdiscourses a mere rhapsody, the substance often aninsult upon the gospel.” Said another asto his preaching in Richmond: “Mr. Dow’sclownish manners, his heterodox and schismatic proceedings,and his reflections against the Methodist EpiscopalChurch, in a late production of his on church government,are impositions on common sense, and furnish the principalreasons why he will be discountenanced by the Methodists.”

But he was made in the mould of heroes. In hislifetime he traveled not less than two hundred thousandmiles, preaching to more people than any other manof his time. He went from New England to the extremitiesof the Union in the West again and again. Severaltimes he went to Canada, once to the West Indies,and three times to England, everywhere drawing greatcrowds about him. Friend of the oppressed, heknew no path but that of duty. Evangel to thepioneer, he again and again left the haunts of mento seek the western wilderness. Conversant withthe Scriptures, intolerant of wrong, witty and brilliant,he assembled his hearers by the thousands. Whatcan account for so unusual a character? What werethe motives that prompted this man to so extraordinaryand laborious a life?

Lorenzo Dow was born October 16, 1777, in Coventry,Tolland County, Connecticut. When not yet fouryears old, he tells us, one day while at play he “suddenlyfell into a muse about God and those places calledheaven and hell.” Once he killed a birdand was horrified for days at the act. Laterhe won a lottery prize of nine shillings and experienceduntold remorse. An illness at the age of twelvegave him the shortness of breath from which he sufferedmore and more throughout his life. About thistime he dreamed that the Prophet Nathan came to himand told him that he would live only until he wastwo-and-twenty. When thirteen he had another dream,this time of an old man, John Wesley, who showed tohim the beauties of heaven and held out the promisethat he would win if he was faithful to the end.A few years afterwards came to the town Hope Hull,preaching “This is a faithful saying, and worthyof all acceptation, that Christ Jesus came into theworld to save sinners”; and Lorenzo said:“I thought he told me all that ever I did.”The next day the future evangelist was converted.

But he was to be no ordinary Christian, this Lorenzo.Not satisfied with his early baptism, he had the ceremonyrepeated, and with twelve others formed a societyfor mutual watch and helpfulness. At the age ofeighteen he had still another dream, this time seeinga brittle thread in the air suspended by a voice saying,“Woe unto you if you preach not the gospel.”Then Wesley himself appeared again to him in a dreamand warned him to set out at once upon his mission.

The young candidate applied to the Connecticut Conferenceof the Methodist Church. He met with a receptionthat would have daunted any man less courageous.He best tells the story himself: “My brethrensent me home. Warren and Greenwich circuits,in Rhode Island, were the first of my career.I obeyed, but with a sorrowful heart. Went outa second time to New Hampshire, but sent home again;I obeyed. Afterwards went to Conference by direction—­whorejected me, and sent me home again; and again I obeyed.Was taken out by P.W. on to Orange circuit, but in1797 was sent home again: so in obedience toman I went home a fourth time.”

As a matter of fact there was much in the argumentof the church against Lorenzo Dow at this time.The young preacher was not only ungraceful and ungraciousin manner, but he had severe limitations in educationand frequently assumed toward his elders an air needlesslyarrogant and contemptuous. On the other handhe must reasonably have been offended by the adviceso frequently given him in gratuitous and patronizingfashion. Soon after the last rebuff just recorded,however, he says, on going out on the Granville circuit,“The Lord gave me souls for my hire.”Again making application to the Conference, he wasadmitted on trial for the first time in 1798 and sentto Canada to break fresh ground. He was not satisfiedwith the unpromising field and wrote, “My mindwas drawn to the water, and Ireland was on my mind.”His great desire was to preach the gospel to the RomanCatholics beyond the sea. Accordingly, on histwenty-second birthday, acting solely on his own resources,the venturesome evangelist embarked at Montreal forDublin. Here he had printed three thousand handbillsto warn the people of the wrath to come. He attractedsome attention, but soon caught the smallpox and wasforced to return home. Back in America, he communicatedto the Conference his desire to “travel the countryat large.” The church, not at all impressedin his favor by his going to Ireland on his own accord,would do nothing more than admit him to his old statusof being on trial, with appointment to the Dutchess,Columbia, and Litchfield circuits. Depressed,Dow gave up the work, and, desiring a warmer climate,he turned his face toward the South. From thistime forth, while he constantly exhibited a willingnessto meet the church half way, he consistently actedwith all possible independence, and the church asresolutely set its face against him.

Dow landed in Savannah in January, 1802. Thiswas his first visit to the region that was to meanso much to him and in whose history he himself wasto play so interesting a role. He walked on footfor hundreds of miles in Georgia and South Carolina,everywhere preaching the gospel to all classes alike.Returning to the North, he found that once more hecould not come to terms with his conference.He went back to the South, going now by land for thefirst time. He went as far as Mississippi, thenthe wild southwestern frontier, and penetrated farinto the country of Indians and wolves. Returningin 1804, he became one of the first evangelists tocultivate the camp-meeting as an institution in centralVirginia. Then he threw down the gauntlet toestablished Methodism, daring to speak in Baltimorewhile the General Conference of the church was insession there. The church replied at once, theNew York Conference passing a law definitely commandingits churches to shut their doors against him.

Notwithstanding this opposition Dow continued to workwith his usual zeal. About 1804 he was very busy,speaking at from five hundred to eight hundred meetingsa year. In the year 1805, in spite of the inconveniencesof those days, he traveled ten thousand miles.Then he made ready to go again to Europe. Everythingpossible was done by the regular church to embarrasshim on this second visit, and when he arrived in Englandhe found the air far from cordial. He did succeedin introducing his camp-meetings into the country,however; and although the Methodist Conference registeredthe opinion that such meetings were “highlyimproper in England,” Dow prolonged his stayand planted seed which, as we shall see, was laterto bear abundant fruit. Returning to America,the evangelist set out upon one of the most memorableperiods of his life, journeying from New England toFlorida in 1807, from Mississippi to New England andthrough the West in 1808, through Louisiana in 1809,through Georgia and North Carolina and back to NewEngland in 1810, spending 1811 for the most part inNew England, working southward to Virginia in 1812,and spending 1813 and 1814 in the Middle and Northernstates, where the public mind was “darkened moreand more against him.” More than once hewas forced to engage in controversy. Typicalwas the judgment of the Baltimore Conference in 1809,when, in a matter of difference between Dow and oneMr. S., without Dow’s having been seen, opinionwas given to the effect that Mr. S. “had givensatisfaction” to the conference. Some remarksof Dow’s on “Church Government”were seized upon as the excuse for the treatment generallyaccorded him by the church. In spite of much hostileopinion, however, Dow seems always to have found firmfriends in the State of North Carolina. In 1818a paper in Raleigh spoke of him as follows: “Howeverhis independent way of thinking, and his unsparingcandor of language may have offended others, he hasalways been treated here with the respect due to hisdisinterested exertions, and the strong powers of mindwhich his sermons constantly exhibit."[2]

His hold upon the masses was remarkable. No preacherso well as he understood the heart of the pioneer.In a day when the “jerks,” and fallingand rolling on the ground, and dancing still accompaniedreligious emotion, he still knew how to give to hishearers, whether bond or free, the wholesome breadof life. Frequently he inspired an awe that wasalmost superstitious and made numerous converts.Sometimes he would make appointments a year beforehandand suddenly appear before a waiting congregationlike an apparition. At Montville, Connecticut,a thief had stolen an axe. In the course of asermon Dow said that the guilty man was in the congregationand had a feather on his nose. At once the rightman was detected by his trying to brush away the feather.On another occasion Dow denounced a rich man who hadrecently died. He was tried for slander and imprisoned

in the county jail. As soon as he was releasedhe announced that he would preach about “anotherrich man.” Going into the pulpit at theappointed time, he began to read: “And therewas another rich man who died and—.”Here he stopped and after a breathless pause he said,“Brethren, I shall not mention the place thisrich man went to, for fear he has some relatives inthis congregation who will sue me.” Theeffect was irresistible; but Dow heightened it bytaking another text, preaching a most dignified sermon,and not again referring to the text on which he hadstarted.

Dow went again to England in 1818. He was notwell received by the Calvinists or the Methodists,and, of course, not by the Episcopalians; but he foundthat his campmeeting idea had begun twelve years beforea new religious sect, that of the Primitive Methodists,commonly known as “ranters.” Thesociety in 1818 was several thousand strong, and Dowvisited between thirty and forty of its chapels.Returning home, he resumed his itineraries, goingin 1827 as far west as Missouri. In thinking ofthis man’s work in the West we must keep constantlyin mind, of course, the great difference made by ahundred years. In Charleston in 1821 he was arrestedfor “an alleged libel against the peace and dignityof the State of South Carolina.” His wifewent north, as it was not known but that he mightbe detained a long time; but he was released on paymentof a fine of one dollar. In Troy also he wasonce arrested on a false pretense. At length,however, he rejoiced to see his enemies defeated.In 1827 he wrote: “Those who instigatedthe trouble for me at Charleston, South Carolina, orcontributed thereto, were all cut off within the spaceof three years, except Robert Y. Hayne, who was thenthe Attorney-General for the state, and is now theGovernor for the nullifiers."[3]

The year 1833 Dow spent in visiting many places inNew York, and in this year he made the following entryin his Journal: “I am now in my fifty-sixthyear in the journey of life; and enjoy better healththan when but 30 or 35 years old, with the exceptionof the callous in my breast, which at times givesme great pain.... The dealings of God to me-ward,have been good. I have seen his delivering hand,and felt the inward support of his grace, by faithand hope, which kept my head from sinking when thebillows of affliction seemed to encompass me around....And should those hints exemplified in the experienceof Cosmopolite be beneficial to any one, give Godthe glory. Amen and Amen! Farewell!”He died the following year in Georgetown, Districtof Columbia, and rests under a simple slab in OakHill Cemetery in Washington.

There is only one word to describe the writings ofLorenzo Dow—­Miscellanies. Anythingwhatsoever that came to the evangelist’s mindwas set down, not always with good form, though frequentlywith witty and forceful expression. Here are“Hints to the Public, or Thoughts on the Fulfilmentof Prophecy in 1811”; “A Journey from Babylonto Jerusalem,” with a good deal of sophomoricdiscussion of natural and moral philosophy; “ADialogue between the Curious and the Singular,”with some discussion of religious societies and theologicalprinciples; “The Chain of Lorenzo,” anargument on the eternal sonship of Christ; “OmnifariousLaw Exemplified: How to Curse and Swear, Lie,Cheat and Kill according to Law,” “Reflectionson the Important Subject of Matrimony,” and muchmore of the same sort. “Strictures on ChurchGovernment” has already been referred to as bringingupon Dow the wrath of the Methodist Church. Thegeneral thesis of this publication, regarded at thetime as so sensational, is that the Methodist modeof church government is the most arbitrary and despoticof any in America, with the possible exception ofthat of the Shakers.

“A Cry from the Wilderness—­intendedas a Timely and Solemn Warning to the People of theUnited States” is in every way one of Dow’smost characteristic works. At this distance,when slavery and the Civil War are viewed in the perspective,the mystic words of the oracle impress us as almostuncanny: “In the rest of the southern states,the influence of these Foreigners will be known andfelt in its time, and the seeds from the HORY ALLIANCEand the DECAPIGANDI, who have a hand in those gradesof GENERALS, from the INQUISITOR to the Vicar Generaland down....

[Image: Pointing Hand] The STRUGGLE will be DREADFUL!the CUP will be BITTER! and when the agony is over,those who survive may see better days! FAREWELL!"[4]

A radical preacher of the Gospel, he could not butbe moved with compassion on observing the conditionof the Negroes in the South during these years.When denied admission to white churches because ofhis apparent fanaticism he often found it pleasantto move among the blacks. Arriving in Savannah,one day, he was accosted by a Negro, who, seeing thathe had no place to stop, inquired as to whether hewould accept the hospitality of a black home.He embraced this opportunity and found the people bywhom he was entertained “as decent as two thirdsof the citizens of Savannah."[5] When on another occasionin Savannah he learned that Andrew Bryan, the Negrominister of the city, had, because of his preaching,been whipped unmercifully and imprisoned, Dow preachedto the congregation himself.[6] He moved among Negroes,lived with them socially, distributed tracts amongthem, preached to them the Word, counted them withpride among his converts and treasured in his memoryhis experiences among them.[7]

As a result this liberal-minded man was naturallyopposed to slavery. He was as outspoken a championof freedom as lived in America in his day. “Slaveryin the South,” said he, “is an evil thatcalls for national reform and repentance.”He thought that this “national scourge in thisworld” might “be antidoted before thestorm” gathered and burst.[8] “As all menare created equal and independent by God of Nature,”contended he, “Slavery must have Moral Evilfor its foundation, seeing it violates the Law ofNature, as established by its author.” “Ambitionand avarice on the one hand,” thought he, “andsocial dependence upon the other, affords the formeran opportunity of being served at the expense of thelatter and this unnatural state of things hath beenexemplified in all countries, and all ages of theworld from time immemorial.” He furthersaid, “Pride and vain glory on the one side,and degradation and oppression on the other createson the one hand a spirit of contempt, and on the othera spirit of hatred and revenge, preparing them tobe dissolute: and qualifying them for every baseand malicious work!” He believed that “themind of man is ever aspiring for a more exalted station;the consequence is the better slaves used the moresaucy and impertinent they become: of course thepractice must be wholly abolished or the slaves mustbe governed with absolute sway.” He haddiscovered that “the exercise of an absolutesway over others begets an unnatural hardness whichas it becomes imperious contaminates the mind of thegovernor; while the governed becomes factious and stupefiedlike brute beasts, which are kept under by a continualdread and hence whenever the subject is investigated,the evils of despotism presents to view in all theirodious forms.” [9]

His attack on slavery, however, was neither so generalnor universal as would be expected of such a radical.He saw that “there is a distinction admissiblein some cases, between Slavery itself and the spiritof slavery.” “A man may possess slavesby inheritance or some other way; and may not haveit in his power either to liberate them or to makebetter their circumstances, being trammelled by theLaws and circumstances of the country,—­yetwhilst he feels a sincere wish to do them all the justicehe can.” He remarked too that “wehave no account of Jesus Christ saying one word aboutemancipation. Onesimus ran away from Philemonto Rome; whence finding Paul, whom he had seen athis master’s, he experienced religion, and wassent back by the apostle with a letter—­butnot a word about setting him free."[10]

Contrasting then the unhappy state with that of thepast, he said, “The first and primitive Christianshad all things common, not from commandment but fromspirit by which they were influenced day by day; sowhen the time of restitution takes place, which willbe long before the consummation of all things, thenthe Law of Nature, from Moral principles will be practicedand the world will be as one concentrated Family.”“The openings to Providence preparatory to thatday should be attended to, from principles of duty—­lestjudgments should perform what offered mercy if notrejected may be ready to accomplish. To feedand clothe another is both the interest and duty ofall Masters—­and the sixth chapter of Ephesiansis an excellent tract on the subject to all who wishfor advice, both as masters and servants."[11]

It was likewise in keeping with Dow’s fearlessnessto denounce the efforts to discriminate against Negroesin the early Churches. He questioned the far-reachingauthority of Bishop Coke, Asbury, and McKendree, andaccused Asbury of being jealous of the rising powerof Richard Allen, founder of the African MethodistChurch.[12] He refers at considerable length to theincident in a Philadelphia church which ultimatelymade Absalom Jones a rector and Richard Allen a bishop:“The colored people were considered by somepersons as being in the way. They were resolvedto have them removed, and placed around the walls,corners, etc.; which to execute, the above expelledand restored man, at prayer time, did attempt to pullAbsolom Jones from his knees, which procedure, withits concomitants, gave rise to the building of anAfrican meeting house, the first ever built in thesemiddle or northern states.”

Here at least was a man with a mission—­thatmission to carry the gospel of Christ to the uttermostparts of the earth. He knew no standard but thatof duty; he heeded no command but that of his ownsoul. Rude, and sharp of speech he was, and onlyhalf-educated; but he was made of the stuff of heroes;and neither hunger, nor cold, nor powers, nor principalities,nor things present, nor things to come, could daunthim in his task. After the lapse of a hundredyears he looms larger, not smaller, in the historyof our Southland; and as of old we seem to hear again“the voice of one crying in the wilderness,Prepare ye the way of the Lord.”

BENJAMIN BRAWLEY

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Very little has been written about Lorenzo Dow.There is an article by Emily S. Gilman in the NewEngland Magazine, Vol. 20, p. 411 (June, 1899),and also one by J. H. Kennedy in the Magazine ofWestern History, Vol. 7, p. 162. The presentpaper is based mainly upon the following works:(1) “Biography and Miscellany,” publishedby Lorenzo Dow, Norwich, Conn., 1834; (2) “Historyof Cosmopolite;” or “The Four Volumes ofLorenzo Dow’s Journal concentrated in one, containinghis Experience and Travels,” Wheeling, 1848;(3) “The Dealings of God, Man, and the Devil;as exemplified in the Life, Experience, and Travelsof Lorenzo Dow,” 2 vols. in one. With anIntroductory Essay by the Rev. John Dowling, D.D.,of New York. Cincinnati, 1858.

[2] “Dealings,” II, 169.

[3] “Dealings,” I, 178.

[4] “Dealings,” II, 148.

[5] “Perambulations of Cosmopolite, or Travelsand Labors in Europe and America,” 95.

[6] Ibid., 93.

[7] Ibid., passim.

[8] Biography and Miscellany, 30.

[9] “A Journey from Babylon to Jerusalem orthe Road to Peace and True Happiness,” 71.

[10] “A Journey from Babylon and Jerusalem,”71.

[11] Ibid., 72.

[12] “History of Cosmopolite,” 544-546.

THE ATTITUDE OF THE FREE NEGRO TOWARD AFRICAN COLONIZATION

In the midst of the perplexities arising from variousplans for the solution of the race problem one hundredyears ago, the colonization movement became all thingsto all men. Some contended that it was a philanthropicenterprise; others considered it a scheme for gettingrid of the free people of color because of the seemingmenace they were to slavery. It was doubtlessa combination of several ideas.[1] Furthermore, themeaning of colonization varied on the one hand accordingto the use the slave-holding class hoped to make ofit, and on the other hand according to the intensityof the attacks directed against it by the Abolitionistsand the free colored people because of the acquiescentattitude of colonizationists toward the persecutionof the free blacks both in the North and South.[2]

Almost as soon as the Negroes had a chance to expressthemselves they offered urgent protest against thepolicy of removing them to a foreign land. Beforethe American Colonization Society had scarcely organized,the free people of Richmond, Virginia, thought itadvisable to assemble under the sanction of authorityin 1817, to make public expression of their sentimentsrespecting this movement. William Bowler and LentyCraw were the leading spirits of the meeting.They agreed with the Society that it was not onlyproper, but would ultimately tend to benefit and aida great portion of their suffering fellow creaturesto be colonized; but they preferred being settled“in the remotest corner of the land of theirnativity.” As the president and board ofmanagers of the Society had been pleased to leaveit to the entire discretion of Congress to providea suitable place for carrying out this plan, theypassed a resolution to submit to the wisdom of thatbody whether it would not be an act of charity togrant them a small portion of their territory, eitheron the Missouri River or any place that might seemto them most conducive to the public good and theirfuture welfare, subject, however, to such rules andregulations as the government of the United Statesmight think proper.[3] Many Negroes, however, emigratedfrom this State during later years. Subsequentaccounts indicate, too, that this increasing interestin colonization among the colored people of that Commonwealthextended even into North Carolina.[4]

Farther north we observe more frequent and frank expressionsof the attitude of the colored people toward thisenterprise. When the people of Richmond, Virginia,registered their mild protest against it, about 3,000free blacks of Philadelphia took higher ground.[5]Because their ancestors not of their own accord werethe first successful cultivators of the wilds of America,they felt themselves entitled to participate in theblessings of its “luxuriant soil,” whichtheir blood and sweat had moistened. They viewedwith deep abhorrence the unmerited stigma attemptedto be cast upon the reputation of the free peopleof color, “that they are a dangerous and uselesspart of the community,” when in the state ofdisfranchisement in which they lived, in the hourof danger, they “ceased to remember their wrongsand rallied around the standard of their country.”They were determined never to separate themselvesfrom the slave population of this country as theywere brethren by the “ties of consanguinity,of suffering, and of wrong."[6] They, therefore, appointeda committee of eleven persons to open correspondencewith Joseph Hopkinson, member of Congress from thatcity, to inform him of the sentiments of the meeting,and issued an address to the “Humane and BenevolentInhabitants of Philadelphia,"[7] disclaiming all connectionwith the society, questioning the professed philanthropyof its promoters, and pointing out how disastrousit would be to the free colored people, should itbe carried out.[8]

Although a few persecuted Negroes of Maryland fromthe very beginning believed it advisable to emigrate,the first action of importance observed among thecolored people of Baltimore, favoring colonizationin Africa, was that of a series of meetings held therein 1826. The sentiment of these delegates asexpressed by their resolutions was that the time hadcome for the colored people to express their interestin the efforts which the wise and philanthropic weremaking in their behalf. Differing from the peopleof Richmond they felt that, although residing in thiscountry, they were strangers, not citizens, and thatbecause of the difference of color and servitude ofmost of their race, they could not hope to enjoy theimmunities of freemen. Believing that there wouldbe left a channel through which might pass such asthereafter received their freedom, they urged emigrationto Africa as the scheme which they believed would offerthe quickest and best relief.[9]

We have not been able to find many records which giveproof that in the States far South there was muchopposition of the Negroes to the plan of removingthe free people of color from the United States.We must not conclude, however, that this absence ofprotest from the free colored people in that sectionof the country was due to the fact that they almostunanimously approved the plan of African Colonization.[10]Consideration must be given to the fact that the freecolored people in the Southern States did not exercisethe privilege of free speech. Consequently, ifthere were even a large minority who opposed the plan,they were afraid to make their views known, especiallywhen this movement was being promoted by some of theleading white people of that section.

Occasionally there arose among the colored peopleof the South advocates of colonization, setting forththe advantages of emigration in all but convincingstyle.[11] Such was a free man of color of Savannahin the year 1832. He had always viewed the principleson which the American Colonization Society was groundedas one of large policy, though he saw it was “aidedby a great deal of benevolence.” And whenviewing his situation with those of his colored brethrenof the United States he had often wondered what preventedthem from rising with one accord to accept the offermade them, although they might sacrifice the comfortsof their present situation. He had often almostcome to the conclusion that he would make the sacrifice,and had only been prevented by unfavorable accountsof the climate. Hearing that Liberia needed help,he desired to go. He and the Negroes for whomhe spoke seemed to be of an enterprising kind.He understood the branches of “wheel-wright,blacksmith, and carpentry,” and had made someprogress in machinery. He did not expect to goat the expense of the Society and therefore hopedto take with him something more than those who hademigrated on those terms.[12]

Another such freeman spoke from Charleston the sameyear. He had observed with much regret that NorthernStates were passing laws to get rid of the free peopleof color driven from the South on account of hostilelegislation.[13] He was also fearful as to the prospectsof the free blacks even in favorable Southern citieslike Charleston, where they were given a decided preferencein most of the higher pursuits of labor. He believed,therefore, that emigration to Africa was the solutionof their problem. He urged this for the reasonthat the country offered them and their posterityforever protection in life, liberty, “and propertyby honor of office with the gift of the people, privilegesof sharing in the government, and finally the opportunityto become a perfectly free and independent people,and a distinguished nation."[14] The letters of ThomasS. Grimke written to the Colonization Society duringthese years show that other freedmen of Charlestondriven to the same conclusions were planning to emigrate.[15]

Conditions in that State, however, forced some freeNegroes to emigrate to foreign soil. A numberof free colored people left Charleston, and settledin certain free States. After residing two orthree years in the North they found out that theircondition instead of improving had grown worse, asthey were more despised, crowded out of every respectableemployment, and even very much less respected.They, therefore, returned to their former home.On reaching Charleston, however, they were still dissatisfiedwith their condition. Changes, which had takenplace during their absence from the State, made itevident that in this country they could never possessthose rights and privileges which all men desire.Some of them resolved, therefore, to try their fortunesin Liberia.[16]

The Negroes in Alabama had also become interestedin the movement during these years.[17] In writingto Mr. McLain, of Washington, S. Wesley Jones, a coloredman of Tuscaloosa, said that save the Christian religionthere was no subject of so much importance and thatlay so near his heart as that of African Colonization.All that was necessary to change the attitude on thepart of the colored people was a “move by someone in whom the people have confidence to put thewhole column in motion,” and just “whenthere is a start made in Alabama the whole body ofthe free people of color will join in a solid phalanx.”As for himself he had fully made up his mind to goto Liberia, but could not leave the United States untilhe had closed up a ten years’ business, andif successful in collecting “tolerably well”what was due him he would be able to go without expenseto the Society.[18]

In July, 1848, this same writer addressed to Mr. McLainanother letter in which he gave details of a triphe had made in an adjoining county in the interestof emigration to Liberia. During this trip hesaid he had found a few free colored people who, afterhe had talked with them on the subject, were of oneaccord that the best thing they could do for themselveswas to emigrate to Liberia.[19] In another letteraddressed to McLain by the same writer December 29,1851, it was stated that the colonization movementwas still growing in the State. He also saidthat “those of us who want to go to Liberiaare men who have been striving to do something”for themselves and consequently have “more orless business to close up.” Mention wasalso made of the fact that there were at Huntsville,in the northern part of the State, several who hadin part “made up their minds to go and only wanteda little encouragement to set them fully in favorof Liberia."[20]

Although thus favorably received in the South, however,the Colonization Society met opposition in other parts.The spreading of the immediate abolition doctrineby men like Garrison and Jay had a direct bearing onthe enterprise. The two movements became militantlyarrayed against each other and tended to inflame theminds of the colored people throughout the country.The consensus of opinion among them was that the ColonizationSociety was their worst enemy and its efforts wouldtend only to exterminate the free people of colorand perpetuate the institution of slavery.[21] Sogeneral was this feeling that T. H. Gallaudet, a promoterof the colonization movement, writing to one of itsofficers in 1831, said that something must be doneto calm the feelings of the colored people in thelarge cities of the North.[22] Their resentment seemedto be due not so much to the fact that they were urgedto emigrate, but that a large number of the promotersof the enterprise seemed to feel that the free Negroesshould be forced to leave.[23] Considering themselvesas much entitled to the protection of the laws ofthis country as any other element of its population,they took the position that any free man of color whowould accept the offers of the colonization movementshould be branded as an enemy of his race. Theynot only demonstrated their unalterable oppositionbut expressed a firm resolve to resist the colonizationistseven down to death.

The proceedings of these meetings will throw muchlight on the excitement then prevailing among thefree people of color in the border and Northern States.In 1831 a Baltimore meeting, led by William Douglassand William Watkins, expressed the belief that theAmerican Colonization Society was founded “moreupon selfish policy than in the true principles ofbenevolence; and, therefore, as far as it regards thelife-giving spring of its operations,” thatit was not entitled to their confidence, and shouldbe viewed by them with that caution and distrust whichtheir happiness demanded. They considered theland in which they had been born and bred their only“true and appropriate home,” and declaredthat when they desired to remove they would apprisethe public of the same, in due season.[24] That sameyear a large meeting of colored people of Washington,in the District of Columbia, convened for the purposeof expressing their opinion on this important question.Although they knew that among the advocates of thecolonizing system, they had many true and sincere friends,they declared that the efforts of these philanthropists,though prompted no doubt by the purest motives, shouldbe viewed with distress. They further assertedthat, as the soil which gave them birth was their onlytrue and veritable home, it would be impolitic, ifthey should leave their home without the benefit ofeducation.[25] A meeting of the very same order ofthe free people of color of Wilmington, Delaware, thatyear, led by Peter Spencer and Thomas Dorsey, tookthe position that the colonization movement was inimicalto the best interests of the colored people, and atvariance with the principles of civil and religiousliberty, and wholly incompatible with the spirit ofthe Constitution and the Declaration of Independenceof the United States.[26]

A meeting of free colored people held in Boston, Massachusetts,in 1831, was of the opinion that none should leavethe United States, but if there were or should beany expatriated in consequence of abuses from theirwhite countrymen, it was advisable to recommend themto Haiti or Upper Canada where they would find equallaws. In regard to their being sent to Africa,because they were natives of that land, they asked:“How can a man be born in two countries at thesame time?” In refutation of the argument madeby the Colonization Society, that the establishmentof the colony in Liberia would prevent the furtheroperation of the slave trade, they said: “Wemight as well argue that a watchman in the city ofBoston would prevent thievery in New York; or thatthe custom house officers there would prevent goodsbeing smuggled into any other port of the United States."[27]Because there were in the United States much betterlands on which a colony might be established, andat a much cheaper expense to those who promoted it,than could possibly be had by sending them into “ahowling wilderness across the seas,” they questionedthe philanthropy of the promoters of African colonizationand adopted resolutions in opposition to the movement.[28]

A public meeting of colored citizens of New York,with Samuel Ennals and Philip Bell as promoters, referredto the Colonizationists as men of “mistakenviews” with respect to the welfare and wishesof the colored people. The meeting solemnly protestedagainst the bold effort to colonize the oppressedfree people of color on the ground that it was “unjust,illiberal and unfounded; tending to excite prejudiceof the community."[29] At a meeting of the free coloredpeople of Brooklyn, promoted by Henry C. Thompsonand George Hogarth, it was resolved that they knewof no other country in which they could justly claimor demand their rights as citizens, whether civilor political, but in the United States of America,their native soil; and that they would be active intheir endeavors to convince the members of the ColonizationSociety, and the public generally, that being men,brethren, and fellow citizens, they were like othercitizens entitled to an equal share of protection fromthe Federal Government.[30]

The sentiment of a meeting at Hartford, Connecticut,in 1831, was that the American Colonization Societywas actuated by the same motives which influencedthe mind of Pharaoh, when he ordered the male childrenof the Israelites to be destroyed. They believedthat the Society was the greatest of all foes to thefree colored people and slave population; and thatthe man of color who would emigrate to Liberia wasan enemy to the cause and a traitor to his brethren.As they had committed no crime worthy of banishment,they would resist all attempts of the ColonizationSociety to banish them from their native land.[31]A New Haven meeting of the Peace and Benevolent Societyof Afric-Americans, led by Henry Berrian and HenryN. Merriman, expressed interest in seeing Africa becomecivilized and religiously instructed, but not by theabsurd and invidious plan of the colonization societyto send a “nation of ignorant men to teach anation of ignorant men.” They would, therefore,resist all attempts for their removal to the torridshores of Africa, and would sooner suffer every dropof their blood to be taken from their veins than submitto such unrighteous treatment. From the coloredpeople of Lyme, Connecticut, came the sincere opinionthat the Colonization Society was one of the wildestprojects ever patronized by enlightened men.The colored citizens of Middletown, chief among whomwere Joseph Gilbert and Amos G. Beman, inquired “Whyshould we leave this land, so dearly bought by theblood, groans and tears of our fathers? Trulythis is our home,” said they, “here letus live and here let us die."[32]

The meeting in Columbia, Pennsylvania, the leadersof which were Stephen Smith and James Richard, expressedthe opinion that African colonization was a schemeof the Southern planters and wicked device of slaveholderswho were desirous of riveting more firmly, and perpetuatingmore certainly, the fetters of slavery by riddingthemselves of a population whose presence, influenceand example had a tendency (as they supposed) to producediscontent among the slaves, and to furnish them withinducements to rebellion.[33] A few weeks later ameeting was held at Pittsburgh under the leadershipof J. B. Vashon and R. Bryan. The colored peopleof this city styled themselves as brethren and countrymenas much entitled to the free exercise of the electivefranchise as any other inhabitants and demanded anequal share of protection from the Federal Government.They informed the Colonization Society that shouldtheir reason forsake them, then might they desireto remove. They would apprise them of that changein due season. As citizens of the United States,they mutually pledged to each other their lives, theirfortunes, and their sacred honor, not to support acolony in Africa nor Upper Canada, nor yet emigrateto Haiti. Here they were born—­herethey would live by the help of the Almighty God—­andhere they would die.[34] Early in 1832, the coloredpeople of Lewiston, Pennsylvania, in a meeting calledby Samuel and Martin Johnston, expressed practicallythe same sentiments.[35] Through the influence of JacobD. Richardson and Jacob G. Williams, an indignationmeeting of the same kind was held at Harrisburg.[36]

The free people of color, assembled at Nantucket,Rhode Island, in 1831, under the leadership of ArthurCooper and Edward J. Pompey, saw no philanthropy inthe colonization movement, but discovered in it a schemegotten up to delude them from their native land intoa country of sickness and death.[37] A Trenton meetingpromoted by Lewis Cork and Abner H. Francis viewedthe American Colonization Society as the most inveteratefoe both to the free and slave man of color.These memorialists disclaimed all union with the Societyand, once for all, declared that they would neverremove under its patronage either to Africa or elsewhere.[38]

In New York there had been various expressions proand con as to emigration to Liberia, but it does notseem that a large number of colored people of thatcity ever favored it. They believed rather inemigration to Canada. The attitude of the peopleof that State was shown in 1834 by the troubles ofReverend Peter Williams, Rector of St. Phillip’sChurch in the city of New York. Working throughthe Phoenix Society and the Anti-Slavery Society hehad endeavored to convince the free colored peoplethat the idea held out to men of color that no matterhow they might strive to become intelligent, virtuousand useful, they could never enjoy the privilege ofcitizens in the United States, was erroneous.

On the contrary, he believed that the Declarationof Independence, which his father had helped to maintain,and the Gospel of Jesus Christ had sufficient powerto raise the people of color at some time to the rankof citizenship. Although his opposition neverextended further than the expression of his views,there arose so much antagonism to him that he wasasked by his bishop to resign from the Anti-SlaverySociety, because of a disturbance in his church.[39]There remained others, however, to continue the attack.At a meeting in 1839 the free people of color of NewYork entered a unanimous protest against the effortsof this body, reiterating the sentiment that the AmericanColonization Society was the source from which camethe various proscriptions and oppressions under whichthey groaned.[40]

The attitude of the free blacks of New York was probablybetter demonstrated on the occasion of the appearanceof W. S. Ball, who had been sent to Liberia by thefree colored people of Illinois to secure definiteinformation concerning the advisability of emigratingto Africa. On his return to New York, he madea speech to a large assembly of colored people, someof whom desiring to see Liberia for themselves, hadmade preparations for a company to sail September,1848. Ball expressed himself as well pleasedwith the country and after interesting the coloredpeople of Illinois[40a] he hoped to return to Liberiawith a large emigration. The colored people ofNew York received him in good faith. While theLiberian Commissioners were in session, PresidentRoberts and his comrades were invited to come to theAnthony Street Church to inform them of the country.After several speeches had been made, opportunity wasgiven to the colored people to ask questions thathad not been touched upon. This continued forsome time and seemed to elicit information highly favorableto the cause, until a Mr. Morrill made his way upthe aisle toward the platform. After having gainedthe attention of the audience with an air of superioritywhich showed he was accustomed to control audiencesof colored people, he said that he had just come intotown and was surprised to find his friends engagedin holding a colonization meeting. “Thatquestion,” said he, “has been settledlong ago! and the Liberia humbug—­”At this point the hisses were so loud he could notbe heard. Finally after much yelling and shoutingof “hear him,” the meeting became a bedlamand the presiding officer attempted to leave the chair.Finding order impossible the meeting was adjournedin an uproar. Amid cries of “a fight, afight,” women leaped over the pews and madetheir way to the doors. After some time had elapsedorder was restored by clearing the house, but Morrill,who seemingly had come with the expressed purposeof breaking up the meeting, was not found in the chaosthat ensued.[41]

Doubtless the best expression of antagonism to theAmerican Colonization Society came from the AnnualConvention of the Free Colored People held first in1830 and almost annually thereafter in Philadelphiaand other Northern cities almost until the Civil War.The Second Annual Convention showed an attitude ofmilitant opposition by emphatically protesting againstany appropriation by Congress in behalf of the movement.The Third Annual Convention, which met in Philadelphiain 1833, probably represented the high water markof their antagonism to this enterprise. Therewere 59 representatives of the free people of colorfrom eight different States, namely, Pennsylvania,Maryland, New Jersey, Delaware, Rhode Island, NewYork, Connecticut, and Massachusetts. The leadersof the movement were James Forten, Robert Douglas,Joseph Cassey, Robert Purvis, and James McCrummell.At an early stage in the proceedings of this Conventionthere prevailed a motion that “a committee consistingof one delegate from each of the States representedin the Convention, be appointed to draft resolutionsexpressive of the sentiments of the people of colorin regard to the subject of colonization.”Although these men were opposed to emigration to Africa,they favored a sort of colonization in some part ofAmerica, for the relief of such persons as might leavethe United States on account of oppressive laws likethose of Ohio.[42] The colored people would in thiscase give such refugees all aid in their power.

After having divested themselves of “all unreasonableprejudice,” and reviewed the whole ground oftheir opposition to the American Colonization Society,with all the candor of which they were capable, theystill declared to the world that they were unableto arrive at any other conclusion than that the life-givingprinciples of the Society were totally repugnant tothe spirit of true benevolence; that the doctrineswhich the Society inculcated were hostile to thoseof their holy religion and in direct violation ofthe golden rule, and that “the inevitable tendencyof this doctrine was to strengthen the cruel prejudiceof their opponents, to still the heart of sympathyto the appeals of suffering Negroes, and retard theiradvancement in morals, literature and science, in short,to extinguish the last glimmer of hope, and throwan impenetrable gloom over their fears and most reasonableprospects.” All plans for actual colonization,therefore, were rejected.[43]

The movement thereafter continued to receive the attentionof the people in the various parts of the country,being generally denounced. The Negroes of Ohiowere prominent among those who opposed it.[44] Invitedto hear a lecture by Mr. Pinney, a former governorof Liberia, then on a tour in the United States raisingfunds to purchase land there, the free blacks of Cincinnatiheld a meeting to protest. Arrogating to themselvesthe privilege of expressing the opinion of all the

colored people of the United States, they respectfullydeclined the invitation for the reasons that the schemewas iniquitous in that it implied the assumption ofthe inequality of the free people of color.[45] Theyaccordingly urged that such sums as their so-calledfriends might give for the purchase of land in Africamight be used for establishing schools and asylumsfor colored children in this country.[46] At a seriesof meetings of free colored people, held in the cityof Cleveland, Ohio, during the winter of 1845-46, theColonization Society was denounced as an organizationwhose proceedings tended to aggravate the injusticewith which the free colored people were treated inthis country. It was called the greatest antagonistwhich colored people had to meet and put down, beforethey could “stand erect in this country.”During the meeting a very bitter spirit was shown towardthe white race. They passed resolutions declaringthat the colored people were entitled to all the privilegesand immunities enjoyed by the whites and pledged themselvesnever to rest until they had redressed their wrongsand gained their rights.[47]

Another important instance of the opposition of thecolored people of the North and West may be observedin the proceedings of a meeting held in Cincinnati.Mr. Vashon, a free man of color of Pittsburgh, hada motion passed in one of their anti-slavery meetingsin that city, “declaring the Colonization Societyinimical to the best interests of the free coloredpopulation of the country, and unworthy of the supportof the churches.” After speeches had beenmade by Vashon and Henry Gloster, a free man of colorfrom Michigan, the original motion was passed withbut one or two dissenting voices in spite of the effortsto amend it. It is probable that the amendmentsproposed were to soften the tone of the original motion,but no mention was made of them other than to statethat they were offered by the opposition.[48]

Numerous other meetings were held to continue theexpression of the same sentiments. At a meetingin Boston in 1847 the Colonization Society was referredto as the expatriating institution which would neverbe able to expel “Americans by birth”pledged never to leave their native land.[49] A Stateconvention of colored people of New York held duringthree days in the capital at Albany, 1851, unanimouslyexpressed their pleasure at the failure of the ColonizationSociety of that State to obtain an appropriation fromthe Legislature.[50] At another meeting at Albany in1852, Reverend J. W. C. Pennington and Dr. J. McCuneSmith were instrumental in inducing the meeting toadopt an able refutation of Governor Hunt’sviews in favor of a similar appropriation.[51] AnotherState Convention of Colored People of Ohio convenedin Cincinnati, unconditionally condemned the Societybecause its policy of expatriating the free coloredpeople was merely to render slave property more secureand valuable.[52] John M. Langston was the chairman

of this meeting. Other such meetings held inRochester, New York, and New Bedford, Massachusetts,about the same time, expressed similar sentiments.[53]On the occasion of the formation of a County ColonizationSociety as a result of a visit of J.B. Pinneyto Syracuse, resolutions expressing deep regret thatthe influence of the Society had extended to thatsection[54] were unanimously passed. At anothermeeting at Providence, the same year, the ColonizationSociety was denounced because of the plea that itsmotive in promoting emigration to Africa was to Christianizethe heathen.[55]

A series of meetings were held in Ohio to oppose theefforts of colonization agents.[56] A Columbus meetingof 1849 considered such workers inveterate enemies.Another meeting in the same place in 1851 referredto one of their memorials as containing the false statementthat the colored people of Ohio were prepared to goto Liberia. They considered N. L. Rice and DavidChristy, promoters of the colonization scheme in thatState, avowed friends of slavery and slaveholders.[57]In a subsequent State Convention in 1853, they urgedevery free black to use his influence against anybill offered in any State, or national legislatureto appropriate money for this enterprise.[58] When“Cushing’s Bill” to facilitate colonizationwas offered, the free people of Cincinnati, Ohio,held an indignation meeting in 1853 to organize theirfriends to prevent its passage.[59]

The most distinguished Negroes of the country, too,were using the rostrum and the press to impede theprogress of the American Colonization Society.Prominent among these protagonists were Samuel E. Cornish,and Theodore S. Wright, who without doubt voiced thesentiments of the majority of the free colored peoplein the North. These leaders took occasion in 1840to attack Theodore Frelinghuysen and Benjamin Butlerwho had been reported as saying that the colonizationproject had been received with delight by the coloredpeople.[60] Answering this assertion, they maintainedthat “if it was said of Southern slaves—­ifit had been asserted that they yearned for Africaor indeed, any part of the world, even more unhospitableand unhappy, where they might be free from their masters,there probably would have been no one to dissent fromthat opinion.” But to prove that this wasnot the situation among the free people of color thesespokesmen related numerous facts, showing that invarious conventions from year to year the free blackshad protested against emigration to Africa.[61]

The greatest enemy of the Colonization Society amongthe freedmen, however, was yet to appear. Thiswas Frederick Douglass. At the National Conventionof Free People of Color, held at Rochester, New York,in 1853, he was called upon to write the address tothe colored people of the United States. A significantexpression in this address was: “We askthat no appropriation whatever, State or national,

be granted to the colonization scheme. We wouldhave our right to leave or remain in the United Statesplaced above legislative interference."[62] He hadalready gone on record in writing to Mrs. HarrietBeecher Stowe in reply to her inquiry as to the bestthing to be done for the elevation of the colored people.“Evidently the Society,” said he, “looksupon our extremity as their opportunity and wheneverthe elements are started against us they are stimulatedto immeasurable activity. They do not deploreour misfortunes but rather rejoice in them."[63] Hereferred to the Society as the twin sister of slavery,still at her post fostering prejudice against the coloredman and scattering abroad her hateful unphilosophicaldogmas as to the inferiority of the Negro and thenecessity of his expatriation for his elevation andthat of his white country men. “The truthis,” said he, “we are here and here weare likely to remain. Individuals emigrate, nationsnever. We have grown up with this republic andI see nothing in her character or find in the characterof the American people as yet, which compels the beliefthat we must leave the United States."[64]

All the free persons of color, however, did not continueto think on this wise. After the ebullitionsof sentiment had ceased, a few Negroes began to thinkthat emigration was not an unmixed evil. Theywere driven to this position in various ways.Some desired to flee from increasing persecution thenafflicting free Negroes both in the North and in theSouth; others were won over by such inducements forcommercial advancement as a pacification of Yorubaseemed to offer in opening up the Soudan; and not afew like Alexander Crummell[65] and Daniel A. Payne,who, although opposed to the expatriation of theirrace, favored colonization so far as it would redeemAfrica. Even Frederick Douglass, in answeringthe charge that the free people of color had beenprejudiced against efforts to redeem Africa, statedthat they were very much in favor of such a work, butobjected to the efforts of the Colonization Societybecause of its “defect of good motives,"[66]A number of Negroes yielded also to the logic of theColonizationists, who in trying to disabuse their mindsof the thought that it would be a disgrace to leavethis country as exiles, held up to them the exampleof the Pilgrim Fathers who left their native land toobtain political and religious liberty. Furthermore,some Negroes like Martin R. Delaney, who had at firstfearlessly opposed the colonization of the blacksin Africa, began during the fifties to promote theemigration of the free people of color to other parts.Many of this persuasion went to Canada West and somefew to Trinidad.[67]

Although antagonism to African Colonization was pronouncedin the Northern free States, there were several intelligentcolored men who were strongly in favor of it.It was said, however, that such Negroes had usuallybeen educated or aided in some way by the AmericanColonization Society. One of this class of spokesmenwas George Baltimore, of Whitehall. In readingin the National Watchman a notice for a callfor a national convention of colored people to beheld in Troy, in 1847, he availed himself of the opportunityto speak for the Colonization Society. Referringto the suggestions set forth in the call, the writersaid that he could adopt all of them excepting theone to recommend emigration and colonization not ofAfrica, Asia, or Europe. He considered this afling at the American Colonization Society, and thosepeople of color who were desirous of going to theirfatherland.[68] Another spokesman of this order wasAlphonso M. Sumner, of Philadelphia. Personallyhe was in favor of emigrating from the United Statesand was of the opinion that, at that time at least,colonization in Liberia offered the only tangible meansof attaining their wishes. He believed that theabolition of the slave trade could be attained inno other way, but like most colored men in the freeStates, favoring colonization, he was desirous ofknowing something about the land before emigratingthereto.[69]

Writing from Hartford in 1851, Augustus Washingtonstated that he was well aware that there could benothing more startling than that a Northern coloredman, considered intelligent and sound in faith, shoulddeclare his opinion and use his influence in favorof African colonization. He maintained, however,that the novelty of the thing did not prove it falseany more than it would be to say that because one breaksaway from a long-established custom he may not havethe least reason for doing so. He urged the freecolored people to emigrate from the crowded citiesto less populous parts of the United States, to theGreat West or to Africa, or to any place where theymight secure an equality of rights and liberties witha mind unfettered and space in which to rise.Moreover, from the time he was a lad of fifteen yearsof age, and especially since the Mexican War, he hadadvocated the plan of a separate State for the coloredpeople.[70] In a letter addressed to the editor ofthe African Repository, in 1853, NathanielBowen undertook to express similar views. Althoughthey possessed only partial freedom in this country,the free colored people of his city, Rome, New York,were generally against colonization. Moreover,he found many colored people who talked of and favoredgoing to Canada, but he believed if those personswould take their interests into consideration, theywould not hesitate to go to Africa.[71]

The efforts toward emigration too took organized formduring the forties and fifties. In 1848 the freecolored people of Dayton, Ohio, held a meeting toexpress their sentiments in favor of emigration toAfrica, and to ask the white citizens to aid themin going there.[72] The movement also reached thecolored people of Cincinnati, Ohio.[73] At a meetingheld in that city on the 14th of July, 1850, theyadopted a preamble and resolutions expressing similarsentiments. Going a step further, in 1850 a numberof free Negroes of New York formed an organizationcalled the New York and Liberian Agricultural andEmigration Society to cooeperate with the ColonizationSociety. Considerable money was collected by theorganization to aid emigrants whom they sent to Liberia.[74]

In July, 1852, there was held in Baltimore, a meetingof delegates from the city and different sectionsof the State of Maryland. After heated discussionand much excitement they passed resolutions to examinethe different foreign localities for emigration, givingpreference to Liberia. It seemed that althougha majority of the delegates present desired to cooeperatewith the American Colonization Society, they were afraidto do so because of the opposition of the Baltimorepeople, who in a state of excitement almost developedinto a mob intent upon breaking up the meeting.[75]As this meeting of delegates from the whole State seemedto be favorable to the colonization enterprise, thepeople of Baltimore felt it incumbent upon them tohold another meeting a few days thereafter, maintainingthat they did not know that a previous meeting wascalled for the consideration of the questions broughtbefore it, and denounced it as being unrepresentative.They said that they were not opposed to voluntaryemigration but did not at any time elect delegatesto the so-called Colored Colonization Convention.[76]

To carry out more effectively the work of amelioratingthe condition of the colored people, a National Councilcomposed of two members chosen by election at a pollin each State, was organized in 1853. As manyas twenty State conventions were to be represented.Before these plans could be well matured, however,those who believed that emigration was the only solutionof the race problem called another convention to considermerely that question. Only those who would notintroduce the question of African emigration but favoredcolonization in some other parts were invited.Among the persons thus interested were Reverend WilliamWebb and Martin R. Delaney of Pittsburgh, Doctor J.Gould Bias and Franklin Turner of Philadelphia, ReverendAugustus R. Greene of Allegheny, Pennsylvania, JamesM. Whitfield of New York, William Lambert of Michigan,Henry Bibb, James Theodore Holly of Canada, and HenryM. Collins of California.[77] Frederick Douglass criticisedthis step as uncalled for, unwise, unfortunate, andpremature. “A convention to consider thesubject of emigration,” said he, “when

every delegate must declare himself in favor of itbefore hand, as a condition of taking his seat, islike the handle of the jug, all on one side."[78]James M. Whitfield, the Negro poet of America, cameto the defense of his co-workers, he and Douglass continuingthe literary duel for a number of weeks. The conventionwas accordingly held. In it there appeared threeparties, one led by Doctor Delaney who desired togo to the Niger Valley in Africa, another by Whitfield,whose interests seemed to be in Central America, anda third by Holly who showed a preference for Haiti.The leaders of these respective parties were commissionedto go to these various countries to do what they couldin carrying out their schemes.[79] Holly went to Haitiand took up with the Minister of the Interior thequestion of admitting Negro emigrants from the UnitedStates.[80]

Among the colored people of the Northwest there appearedevidence of considerable interest in emigration.This was especially true of Illinois and Indiana,from which commissioners had been sent out to spy theland.[81] This is evidenced too by the sentiment expressedby delegates attending the Cleveland Convention in1854. The next emigration convention was heldat Chatham, Canada West, in 1856. One of the importantfeatures of this meeting was the hearing the reportof Holly who went to Haiti the previous year.From this same meeting Martin R. Delaney proceededon his mission to the Niger Valley in Africa.There he concluded a treaty with eight African kings,offering inducements to Negroes to emigrate. Inthe meantime James Redpath had gone to Haiti and accomplishedsome things that Holly failed to achieve. Hewas appointed Haitian Commissioner of Emigration inthe United States, with Holly as his co-worker.They succeeded in sending to Haiti as many as twothousand emigrants, the first sailing in 1861.Owing to their unpreparedness and the unfavorableclimate, not more than one third of them remained.[82]

Considering the facts herein set forth we are compelledto say that the colonization movement was a failure.Although it did finally interest a number of freeNegroes their concern in it did not materialize onaccount of the outbreak of the Civil War occurringsoon thereafter. On the whole, the movement neverappealed to a large number of intelligent free peopleof color. With the exception of those who hopedto be especially benefited thereby, few leading Negroesdared to support the enterprise. The most weightyevidence we can offer is statistics themselves.The report of the Colonization Society shows thatfrom 1820 to 1833 [83] only 2,885 colored personshad been sent out by the Society. More than 2,700of this number were taken from the slave States, andabout two thirds of these were slaves manumitted onthe condition of their emigrating. Of the 7,836[84]sent out of the United States up to 1852, 2,720 wereborn free, 204 purchased their freedom, 3,868 wereemancipated in view of removing them to Liberia, and1,044 were liberated Africans sent out by the UnitedStates Government. When we consider the factthat there were 434,495[85] free persons of colorin the United States in 1850 and 488,070 in 1860, thiselement of the population had not been materiallydecreased by the efforts of the American ColonizationSociety.

LOUIS R. MEHLINGER

FOOTNOTES:

[1] The African Repository, XXVI, 246, andXXIX, 14.

[2] Jay, “An Inquiry into the Character andTendencies of the American Colonization and AmericanAnti-Slavery Societies,” p. 26 et passim;Stebbins, “Facts and Opinions Touching the RealOrigin, Character, and Influence of the American ColonizationSociety,” p. 63 et seq.; The AfricanRepository, and Colonization Society Letters inthe Library of Congress.

[3] Garrison, “Thoughts on Colonization,”8.

[4] Colonization Society Letters, 1826, Letter ofJ. Gales, of Raleigh, North Carolina. Niles Register,XXXV, 386; XLI, 103.

[5] The leaders of this meeting were: James Forten,chairman, Russell Parrott, secretary, Rev. AbsalomJones, Rev. Richard Allen, Robert Douglass, FrancisPerkins, Rev. John Gloucester, Robert Gordon, JamesJohnson, Quamony Clarkson, John Sommerset, and RandallShepherd. See Garrison’s “Thoughtson African Colonization.” Niles Register,XVII, 30.

[6] Stebbins, “Origin, Character and Influenceof the American Colonization Society,” 194.

[7] The address was as follows:

“Relieved from the miseries ofslavery, many of us by your aid, possessing benefitswhich industry and integrity in this prosperous countryassures to all its inhabitants, enjoying the rich blessingsof religion, by opportunities of worshipping theonly true God, under the light of Christianity,each of us according to his understanding; andhaving afforded us and our children the means of educationand improvement; we have no wish to separatefrom our present homes, for any purpose whatever.Contented with our present situation and condition,we are desirous of increasing the prosperity, by honestefforts, and by the use of the opportunities,for their improvement, which the constitutionand laws allow.

“We, therefore, a portion ofthose who are the objects of this plan, and amongthose whose benefits, with them of others of color,it is intended to promote; with humble and gratefulacknowledgments to those who have devised it,renounce and disclaim every connection with it;and respectfully and firmly declare our determinationnot to participate in any part of it.

“Nor do we view the colonizationof those who may become emancipated by its operationamong our southern brethren, as capable to producetheir happiness. Unprepared by educationand a knowledge of the principles of our blessedreligion, for their new situation, those whowill thus become colonized will thus be surroundedby every suffering which can affect the membersof the human family.

“Without arts, without habitsof industry, and unaccustomed to provide by theirown exertions and foresight for their wants, the colonywill soon become the abode of every vice, and the homeof every misery. Soon will the light ofChristianity, which now dawns among that portionof our species, be cut out by the clouds of ignorance,and their day of life be closed, without the illuminationof the gospel.

“To those of our brethren whoshall be left behind, there will be assured perpetualslavery and augmented sufferings. Diminished innumbers, the slave population of the southernstates, which by their magnitude alarms its proprietors,will be easily secured. Those who amongtheir bondsmen, who feel that they should be free,by right which all mankind have from God andfrom nature, will be sent to the colony; andthe timid and submissive will be retained, and subjectedto increasing rigor. Year after year willwitness those means to assure safety and submissionamong their slaves, and the southern masterswill colonize only those who it may be dangerous tokeep among them. The bondage of a largeportion of our members will thus be renderedperpetual.

“Disclaiming, as we emphaticallydo, a wish or desire to interpose our opinionsand feelings between the plan of colonization and thejudgment of those whose wisdom as far as exceedsours as their situations are exalted above ours,we humbly, respectfully, and fervently intreatand beseech your disapprobation of the plan of colonizationnow offered by the American Society for colonizingthe free people of color of the United States.Here in the city of Philadelphia, where the voiceof the suffering sons of Africa was first heard;where was first commenced the work of abolition, onwhich heaven has smiled, for it could have hadsuccess only from the Great Maker; will not apurpose be assisted which will state the causeof the entire abolition of slavery in the United States,and which may defeat it altogether; which proffersto those who do not ask for them what it callsbenefits, but which they consider injurious andwhich must insure to the multitudes whose prayers canonly reach you through us, misery, sufferings,and perpetual slavery.

“James Forten,Chairman,

“Russell Parrott,Secretary.”

[8] Garrison, “Thoughts on Colonization,”p. 10.

[9] The African Repository, II, 295 et seq.

[10] It must be borne in mind, too, that The AfricanRepository, in which appeared most of the lettersof Negroes favoring emigration to Africa, was theorgan of the American Colonization Society.

[11] The African Repository, VII, 216.

[12] Ibid., XII, 149-150.

[13] During these years conditions were becoming intolerablefor the free blacks in the South.

[14] The African Repository, VII, 230.

[15] Colonization Society Letters, 1832.

[16] The African Repository, XXIII, 190.

[17] Colonization Society Letters, 1848-1851.

[18] The African Repository, XXVI, 276.

[19] Ibid., XXVI, 194.

[20] Ibid., XXVIII, (July 12, 1848).

[21] Colonization Society Letters, 1831, passim.

[22] Letter of T. H. Gallaudet in the ColonizationSociety Letters, 1831.

[23] Jay, “An Inquiry into the Character andTendencies of the American Colonization Society,”28 et passim.

[24] Garrison, “Thoughts on African Colonization,”22.

[25] Garrison, “Thoughts on Colonization,”22.

[26] Ibid., 23.

[27] Ibid., 11.

[28] The resolutions were as follows:

“Resolved, That this meetingcontemplate, with lively interest, the reportedprogress of the sentiments of liberty among our degradedbrethren, and that we legally oppose every operationthat may have a tendency to perpetuate our presentpolitical condition.

“Resolved,That this meeting look upon the American Colonization
Society as a clamorous,abusive and peace-disturbing combination.

“Resolved, That this meetinglook upon those clergymen, who have filled theears of their respective congregations with the absurdidea of the necessity of removing the free coloredpeople from the United States, as highly deservingthe just reprehension directed to the false prophetsand priests, by Jeremiah, the true prophet, as recordedin the twenty-third chapter of his prophesy.

“Resolved,That this meeting appeal to the generous and enlightened
public for an impartialhearing relative to the subject of our
present political condition.

“Resolved, That the gratitudeof this meeting, which is so sensibly felt, befully expressed to those whose independence of mindand correct views of the rights of man have ledthem so fearlessly to speak in favor of our cause;that we rejoice to behold in them such a strongdesire to extend towards us the inestimable blessingsin the gift of a wise Providence which is deemedby all nature, and for which their valiant fathersstruggled in the Revolution.

“ROBERT ROBERTS,Chairman,

“JAMES G. BARBARDOES,Secretary”

—­Garrison,“Thoughts on African Colonization,” 20.

[29] Ibid., 13.

[30] Garrison, “Thoughts on Colonization,”23-24.

[31] Ibid., 28-29.

[32] Ibid., 30-31.

[33] Garrison, “Thoughts on African Colonization,”31-32.

[34] Ibid., 34-35.

[35] Ibid., 49. Among the resolutions passedwere:

“Resolved, That we holdthese truths to be self-evident (and it is theboasted declaration of our independence), that allmen (black and white, poor and rich) are bornfree and equal; that they are endowed by theirCreator with certain inalienable rights, that amongthese are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.

“Resolved, That we feelit to be our duty to be true to the constitutionof our country, and are satisfied with the form ofgovernment under which we now live; and, moreover,that we are bound in duty and reason to protectit against foreign invasion; that we always havedone so and will do so still.

“Resolved, That we viewthe efforts of the Colonization Society as officiousand uncalled for. We have never done anythingworthy of banishment from our friends and home.”—­Garrison,“Thoughts on African Colonization,”41.

[36] Garrison, “Thoughts on African Colonization,”40-41.

[37] Ibid., 33-34.

[38] Ibid., 45-47.

[9] Believing it his duty to aid any free person orpersons of color who thought it best and wished toemigrate, instead of opposing them he had given hispersonal support in their efforts to leave the country.Records would show that he had helped the most prominentmen of the Colony to get there, among them being JohnB. Russwurm and James M. Thompson, two excellent menand good scholars.—­African Repository,X, 187.

[40] Cornish and Wright, “The Colonization SchemeConsidered,” 7.

[40a] African Repository, XXIV, 158.

[41] The African Repository, XXIV, 261.

[42] Reference is here made to the “Black Laws”of Ohio, passed to prevent the immigration of persecutedblacks from the South into that commonwealth.

[43] Proceedings of the Third Annual Convention ofthe Free People of Color.

[44] At this time the free blacks throughout the countrywere being urged by Abolitionists to redouble theirattacks on the American Colonization Society.The Negroes merely needed to follow their lead.

[46] Having the idea that the colonization schememeant the expatriation of the free Negroes, severalof their eminent leaders and anti-slavery friendsadvocated the colonization of the colored people onthe western public lands.

[45] The African Repository, XX, 316, 317.

[47] The African Repository, XXII, 265.

[48] Ibid., XXVI, 221.

[49] Stebbins, “Facts and Opinions Touchingthe Real Origin and Influence of the American ColonizationSociety,” 196.

[50] Ibid., 197.

[51] Ibid., 202.

[52] Ibid., 199.

[53] Ibid., 200.

[54] Ibid., 201.

[55] Ibid., 206.

[56] Ibid., 206.

[57] Stebbins, “Facts and Opinions Touchingthe Real Origin, Character and Influence of the AmericanColonization Society,” 207.

[58] Ibid., 208.

[59] Ibid., 208.

[60] Cornish and Wright, “The Colonization SchemeConsidered,” 7.

[61] “Having now done what we could,”said they, “we ask you in view of the wholecase whether you ought longer to take advantage ofour weakness and press on us an enterprise that wehave rejected from the first? Whether you oughtto persist in a scheme which nourishes an unreasonableand un-Christian prejudice—­which persuadeslegislatures to continue their unjust enactments againstus in all their rigor—­which exposes us tothe persecution of the proud and profligate—­whichcuts us off from employment, and straitens our meansof subsistence—­which afflicts us with thefeeling that our condition is unstable—­andprevents us from making efforts for our improvement,or for the advancement of our own usefullness and benefitsand with our families.”—­Cornish andWright, “The Colonization Scheme Considered,”8.

[62] Stebbins, “Facts and Opinions Touchingthe Real Origin, Character and Influence of the AmericanColonization Society,” 208.

[63] The African Repository, XXVI, 294.

[64] Douglass, “Life and Times of FrederickDouglass,” 260.

[65] Crummell thought so well of it that he went toAfrica for this purpose. See The African Repository,XXX, 125.

[66] Ibid., LXIII, 273.

[67] Niles’ Register, LVI, 165 and 180.

[68] The African Repository, XXIII, 374.

[69] Ibid., XXIV, 243.

[70] Mr. Washington had been active in securing theassistance of a few men of superior ability and highideals and finally entered into negotiations withthe authorities for a tract of land in Mexico on whichhe proposed to colonize the free Negroes of the UnitedStates, but the war in that country prevented theexecution of the plan. He was compelled finallyto abandon the plan of a separate state in America,but gave all his time, voice and pen and means tothe cause of emigration to Liberia. See NewYork Tribune, ——­, and TheAfrican Repository, XXVII, 259.

[71] Anthony Bowen, who was at that time a messengerin the Patent Office at Washington, D.C., was theuncle of Nathaniel Bowen. See The AfricanRepository, XXVIII, 164.

[72] The African Repository, XXI, 285.

[73] The Cincinnati Gazette, July 14, 1841.

[74] Stebbins, “Facts and Opinions Touchingthe Real Origin, Character and Influence of the AmericanColonization Society,” 200-201.

[75] The Baltimore Sun, July 27, 28 and 29,1852.

[76] Stebbins, “Facts and Opinions, etc.,”200-201.

[77] Cromwell, “The Negro in American History,”42.

[78] The North Star, 1853.

[79] Letter of Bishop Holly in Cromwell’s “Negroin American History,” 43-44.

[80] Ibid., 44.

[81] The African Repository, XXIV, 261.

[82] Letter of Bishop Holly in Cromwell’s “TheNegro in American History,” 44.

[83] The Liberator, 1833.

[84] The African Repository, XXIII, 117.

[85] United States Census, 1850 and 1860.

DOCUMENTS

TRANSPLANTING FREE NEGROES TO OHIO FROM 1815 TO 1858[1]

Brown county was one of the first parts of Ohio tobe invaded by free Negroes. In the “HistoricalCollections of Ohio” Howe says:

“In the county (Brown) thereare two large settlements of colored persons,numbering about 500 each. One of these is 3 milesnorth of Georgetown; the other is in the NE.part of the county, about 16 miles distant.They emigrated from Virginia, in the year 1818, andwere originally the slaves of Samuel Gist, whomanumitted and settled them here, upon two largesurveys of land. Their situation, unfortunately,is not prosperous.”—­Howe, HistoricalCollections of Ohio, 71.

Referring to these settlements some years later anotherhistorian said:

“The colored settlement in EagleTownship was made in 1818, by a number of theformer slaves of Samuel Gist, a wealthy banker, residentof London, England, and an extensive land-owner andslaveholder in the United States.

“It is not known that Gist evervisited his plantation here, or that he eversaw a single slave that cultivated his lands, but allwas left to the management of resident agentsappointed by him. These lands lay in thecounties of Hanover, Amherst, Goslin (Goochland),and Henrico, Va., and included some of the firstplantations in the ‘Old Dominion.’

“In 1808 desiring to make ampleprovision for the future of those who had soabundantly filled his coffers by their servitude, Gistmade a will, the intent of which was certainlybenevolent, but which has been most wretchedlyexecuted. This document of fifty-eight closelywritten pages is a study within itself.It begins thus: This is the last will andtestament of me Samuel Gist, of Gower street, in theParish of St. Giles, in the city of London, ofthe county of Middlesex, England.

“After bequeathing various valuableestates, large sums of money to his only daughter,he designated what property and sums of money shallfall to the numerous persons who have been in his employ,and most explicitly does he provide for his slavesin Virginia, who numbered nearly one thousandsouls!

“Relative to them the will providesthat at his death his ’slaves in Virginiashall be free.’ That his lands shall besold and comfortable homes in a free State bepurchased for them with the proceeds. That therevenue from his plantations the last year of his lifebe applied in building school houses and churchesfor their accommodation. That all moneycoming to him in Virginia be set aside for the employmentof ministers and teachers to instruct them.That ’care be taken to make them as comfortableand happy as possible.’

“In 1815 Samuel Gist died, andWickham of Richmond, Va. (in conjunction withhis father-in-law, Page), who had been appointed Gist’sagent, proceeded to execute his will. Accordinglythrough parties in Hillsboro, Ohio, 1,112 acresof land near Georgetown, and 1,200 acres westof Fincastle, in Eagle Township, were purchased forhomes for these slaves. These lands werecovered with thickets of undergrowth and sloughsof stagnant water and were almost valueless atthat time for any purpose other than pasturage.Here in June, 1818, came nearly 900 persons,a part of whom located on the Georgetown lands,the remainder on the Fincastle purchase. Their‘comfortable homes’ lay in the wildregion about them; the education they receivedwas in the stern school of adversity. As a matterof course, they did not prosper. Some whowere able returned to Virginia. Others builtrude huts and began clearing away the forest.What little money they had was soon spent.Scheming white men planned to get their personalproperty. They became involved in numerous lawsuits among themselves, and so from various causesthey were reduced almost to pauperism. Inlater years their lands have been sold, so thatat present but few families remain as relics of thisonce large settlement. Among the first familiesthat settled in this township were the following,most of whom had families:

“Jacob Cumberland, George Cumberland,Samuel Hudson, Gabriel York, James Gist, GabrielJohnson, Joseph Locust, James Cluff, ——­Davis, Sol Garrison, ——­ Pearsons,——­ Williams, Glascow Ellis, and TomFox. ‘Old Sam Hudson,’ as hewas familiarly known, was an odd character, andmany anecdotes are yet related of him. At onetime he was sent to the State Prison at Columbusfor making unlawful use of another man’shorse, and so it happened that a white man named Demittaccompanied him for a like offense. Uponbeing interrogated as to his occupation, Samanswered, ‘Preacher ob de Gospel!’ Turningto Demitt, the officer asked, ‘What’syour occupation?’ ‘I clerk for Sam,’was the shrewd reply.

“Richmond Cumberland (’BlindDick’), Meredith Cumberland, Taylor Davis,Moses Cumberland, Ephraim Johnson, and Winston Cumberlandwere also born in Virginia.”—­Historyof Brown County, Ohio (edition 1883), p. 592.

During these years according to the letter below anothergroup of Negroes found their way into Jefferson County,Ohio.

Dear Sir:

Every body with whom I have talkedabout this colony of Negroes, referred me toJudge Mansfield as one knowing more about it thananybody else. He, therefore, is my chiefinformer. In 1825 a colony of slaves wassent up from Charles City County, Virginia, to Smithfield,in Jefferson County, Ohio, about twenty miles southwestof Steubenville. They were the slaves ofThomas Beaufort of the Virginia County abovenamed. So far as I could learn not all of Beaufort’sslaves were sent to Smithfield. Another colonyI was told was located at Stillwater in HarrisonCounty, Ohio, but I have not yet been in thatcommunity. How the slaves traveled from Virginiato Smithfield could not be told. The numbersent up is not known—­about thirtyor forty families, they said. They were a tribe,as it were, Nattie Beaufort being the patriarch.They were sent in charge of a man named McIntyre,an overseer, who supposedly had been sent to see tothe locating of the slaves on a tract of land whichthe master had bought for them through BenjaminLadd, a Quaker of the Smithfield community.McIntyre returned to Virginia after a few days stay.He was never in the community again, nor wasany other representative of the Beaufort’sso far as anybody knows. The land was bought inWayne Township—­about 200 acres, aboutfive miles out from Smithfield. It is quiterolling, of stiff clay character. There are finefarms all about it and coal fields not far away.It was bought of Thomas Mansfield whose son,a prominent lawyer in Steubenville, still owns landcontiguous to the Beaufort tract, and owns now a partof what his father sold the slaves.

According to Judge Mansfield the tractof land was laid out in five-acre plots.A cabin was built on each and a family placed in eachcabin. The families were the married sons anddaughters of Nathaniel Beaufort who had beenhis master’s “nigger driver,” wasthe way one of his granddaughters put it.The whole colony was under Nathaniel Beaufort’scontrol as long as he lived, during which time itprospered. Two of the original colony, both women,are still living and own their little tracts,one residing on her property and the other inthe infirmary. The descendants of the first settlersowned most of the land but some of it has beenlost. Whether they had any teams and moneyto start with it is not known to Judge Mansfield,but he thought that they did not. Both menand women had to “work out” muchof the time for means to go upon, the girls toilingas servants in the community for twenty-fiveto fifty cents per week and their keep, the menreceiving forty to fifty cents per day often paidin such provisions as meal and meat.

Judged by the management of their ownplots they are not a success as farmers, mostof their soil being now practically worthless.“The land which was bought for the slaveswas never recorded in their names,” saysJudge Mansfield. It was deeded to Benjamin Laddas trustee and so stands in the record now.Judge Mansfield’s last words were:“There has been no clash over that land becauseof its run down condition, but if coal or oilshould be found about there, I cannot tell whatwill happen.” The financial condition ofthe colony is no better than it was seventy-fiveyears ago, the physical condition is far frombeing as good. Two or three of these Negroes,however, showing evidence of thrift are verygood farmers. They have increased theirholdings and built new cabins, although most of theold dwellings are still there and are occupiedby the descendants of the original settlers.They have rapidly increased in numbers and have extensivelyintermarried. From the first the people were religious,regular church goers. They have two churchesamong them, one Methodist and the other Baptist.Their morals have been good, having seldom committedcrime. Officers of the law have found very littleto do in this community. During the lifeof the colony there have been only two arrestsfor serious crimes, one of which was for stealing ahorse and the other for stealing wool. Bothof the accused were sent to the penitentiary.No other serious charge has ever been brought againstany member of the community so far as Judge Mansfieldknew. The original set were fine physicalspecimens, “as fine,” says Judge Mansfield,“as the community ever saw.”

Separate schools for white and blackshave been maintained from the start. Nearlyall the teachers have been white. The preachershave been members of the colony. None ofthem, however, have gained any particular prominencein any line. Not even any of the children, sofar as could be learned, had ever been sent offto school. The best known of them now aretwo brothers, William and Wilson Toney, both preachers.Just what acreage they now own I could not learn.How much is owned by the best of them also couldnot be determined.

The community is called by some “McIntyre”after the man who carried the slaves up intoOhio, and by others it is called “Haiti.”The latter term is almost wholly used by whitepeople throughout the county and has always beenoffensive to the Negroes. Although I went to“Haiti” and talked with one of the men,Judge Mansfield gave me practically all the information.I will send you more in a few days gathered atother points. I have tried to cover your questionsand to include other vital ones. Pleasecall my attention to anything that I might mentionto add to the interest or thoroughness of the story.I have reported here almost word for word asthe facts were given me by the Judge and hopethe story will have some interest for you. Iexpect to find out a great deal more about thatcommunity.[2]

Very truly yours,

C. A. Powell.

Under a protest from afar a goodly number of slaveswere settled in Lawrence county in 1827.

COMMUNICATED

“BLACKS AND MULATTOES

“On the 14th April, seventy ofthis description of persons, in one company emigratedinto and settled within Lawrence county. Theywere a part of a stock of slaves emancipated bythe last will of a Mr. Ward, late of Pittsylvaniacounty, Virginia, deceased. Those unfortunatecreatures have little or no property of value—­manyof them ragged and dirty. It was expectedthat such a number together, in such condition wouldhardly, in Ohio, find a place where to lay their heads;yet so far from meeting with obstacles, facilitiesto settlement were extended to them. All ofthem have found places, and many of them have alreadyobtained security as the law requires; and probablythe balance will within twenty days. The writerof this note would censure none for acts of kindnessto this unfortunate class of persons—­yetas he regards the moral character and welfare ofsociety, he cannot view these rapid accessionswithout some degree of alarm.”—­TheOhio State Journal and Columbus Gazette, May3, 1827.

Some years later there was established in Mercer countyanother colony, which because of its connection withfriends in Cincinnati, then promoting the settlementof Negroes on public land, became the most promisingof the colored communities in Ohio. Sketchingthe history of that county, Howe says:

“In the southern part of this countyis a colony of colored people, amounting to severalhundred persons. They live principally by agriculture,and own extensive tracts of land in the townships ofGranville, Franklin, and Mercer. They beara good reputation for morality, and manifest alaudable desire for mental improvement. Thissettlement was founded by the exertions of Mr. AugustusWattles, a native of Connecticut, who, insteadof merely theorizing upon the evils which preventthe moral and mental advancement of the colored race,has acted in their behalf with a philanthropic,Christian-like zeal, that evinces he has theirreal good at heart. The history of this settlementis given in the annexed extract of a letter fromhim.

“’My early education,as you well know, would naturally lead me to lookupon learning and good morals as of infinite importancein a land of liberty. In the winter of1833-4, I providentially became acquainted withthe colored population of Cincinnati, and found about4,000 totally ignorant of every thing calculatedto make good citizens. Most of them hadbeen slaves, shut out from every avenue of moraland mental improvement. I started a school forthem, and kept it up with 200 pupils for twoyears. I then proposed to the colored peopleto move into the country and purchase land, and removefrom those contaminating influences which hadso long crushed them in our cities and villages.They promised to do so, provided I would accompanythem and teach school. I travelled through Canada,Michigan and Indiana, looking for a suitablelocation, and finally settled here, thinkingthis place contained more natural advantages than anyother unoccupied country within my knowledge.In 1835, I made the first purchase for coloredpeople in this county. In about three years,they owned not far from 30,000 acres. I had travelledinto almost every neighborhood of colored peoplein the State, and laid before them the benefitsof a permanent home for themselves and of educationfor their children. In my first journey throughthe state, I established, by the assistanceand cooperation of abolitionists, 25 schoolsfor colored children. I collected of the coloredpeople such money as they had to spare, andentered land for them. Many, who had nomoney, afterwards succeeded in raising some, and broughtit to me. With this I bought land for them.

“’I purchased for myself190 acres of land, to establish a manual laborschool for colored boys. I had sustained a schoolon it, at my own expense, till the 11th of November,1842. Being in Philadelphia the winterbefore, I became acquainted with the trustees of thelate Samuel Emlen, of New Jersey, a Friend.He left by his will $20,000, for the “supportand education in school learning and the mechanicsarts and agriculture, such colored boys, of Africanand Indian descent, whose parents would givethem up to the institute.” We unitedour means and they purchased my farm, and appointedme the superintendent of the establishment,which they call the Emlen Institute.’

“In 1846, Judge Leigh, of Virginia,purchased 3,200 acres of land in this settlement,for the freed slaves of John Randolph, of Roanoke.These arrived in the summer of 1846, to the numberof about 400, but were forcibly prevented frommaking a settlement by a portion of the inhabitantsof the county. Since then, acts of hostility havebeen commenced against the people of this settlement,and threats of greater held out, if they do notabandon their lands and homes.”—­Howe’s“Historical Collections of Ohio,” pp.355-356.

Coming to Shelby county the same historian did notfail to mention a settlement of prosperous Negroeswho were keeping pace with their white neighbors.

“In Van Buren township is a settlementof COLORED people, numbering about 400. Theyconstitute half the population of the township, andare as prosperous as their white neighbors.Neither are they behind them in religion, moralsand intelligence, having churches and schools of theirown. Their location, however, is not a goodone, the land being too flat and wet. An attemptwas made in July, 1846, to colonize with them 385 ofthe emancipated slaves of the celebrated John Randolph,of Va., after they were driven from Mercer county;but a considerable party of whites would not willinglypermit it, and they were scattered by families amongthe people of Shelby and Miami who were willingto take them.”—­Howe’s “HistoricalCollections of Ohio,” pp. 465-466.

This effort at colonizing so many Negroes in the Stateof Ohio led to much discussion. There arose ananti-free Negro party which sounded the alarm againstsuch philanthropy and undertook to frighten all blacksaway. The sentiment of such alarmists may beobtained from the following:

“By the following letter from agentleman on a tour through Virginia to the editor,it will appear that we are to have a colony of freenegroes (no less than five hundred) planted inour adjoining county. Much as we commiseratethe situation of those who, when emancipated, are obligedto leave their country or again be enslaved, wetrust our constitution and laws are not so defectiveas to suffer us to be overrun by such a wretchedpopulation:

“’Richmond,Va., May 10, 1819.

“’Dear Sir:—­Sincemy arrival in this county I have understood that alarge family of negroes, consisting of about five hundred,have lately been liberated and are to be marchedto Ohio, and there settled on land providedfor them agreeably to the will of a Mr. Gess,who formerly owned them. There are persons nowengaged in collecting the poor miserable beingsfrom different quarters and driving them likecattle to Goochland county, from whence they willtake up their line of march to Ohio. I amtold that they are perhaps as depraved and ignoranta set of people as any of their kind and thattheir departure is hailed with joy by all those whohave lived in their neighborhood. Ohiowill suffer seriously from the iniquitous policypursued by the States of Virginia and Kent. in drivingall their free negroes upon us. The peopleof Ohio are bound in justice to themselves toadopt some counteracting measure. Many peoplehere are of the opinion that we may be compelledto introduce slavery in Ohio in self-defense,and they appear to be gratified that we are sufferingmany of the evils attending it, without (as they callit) any of the benefits. I have been gratifiedto tell them what I believe to be true—­thatnineteen twentieths of the people of Ohio areso opposed to slavery that they would not consent toits introduction under any circumstances; and,although they commiserate the situation of thosewho have been liberated and compelled to abandontheir country or again be made slaves, yet in justiceto themselves and their posterity they willrefuse admittance to such a population.

“’Yourmost ob’t., “‘A. T.’

“(Editor) We understand from arespectable authority that 270 of said negroeshave landed at Ripley and are to settle near the centerof Brown county on White Oak, the residue of 500to follow soon after.”—­Quillin’s“The Color Line in Ohio,” pp. 28-29 andThe Supporter, Chillicothe, June 16, 1819.

In view of this alarm aroused by the so-called Negroinvasion the Ohio colonizationists availed themselvesof the opportunity to set forth their plan as theonly solution of the problem. The following articlesare interesting.

“NEW STYLE COLONIZATION

“It seems that our old friend GerritSmith is anxious to form a colony of colored peoplein the State of New York. It is not known thathe pays the expenses of any to get to that happyspot, but he certainly offers them a share in theproperty of earth, when they arrive. Some havethought his effort in this respect, another proofof his great liberality. Perhaps it is—­butof the character of those lands we know nothing.The Journal of Commerce seems to understandthe subject from the following, which we cut froma late number:

“’Bounty of GerritSmith.—­Some of the newspapers are eulogizingthis once sensible man, because he is givingaway deeds in any number to colored men, offorty acre lots of his vast tract in Hamilton county.The considerations in the deeds are as follows:

“’"For and in considerationof the sum of one dollar to me, in hand paid,and being desirious to have all share in the subsistenceand happiness, which a bountiful God has providedfor all, has granted, sold, etc.”

“’If the negroes do notrun away from the bears and wolves and climateand sterility of Hamilton county, with more anxietythan they ever did from Southern slavery, thenwe do not understand their character. Wedo not blame the negroes for getting their libertyif they can, but to make them take farms inHamilton county, is too bad. The wild beastsup there will rejoice in a negro settlement amongthem, especially at the beginning of winter.’

“Had Judge Leigh taken theRandolph negroes there, they might have fared
as well as they have done in Ohio,and certainly he could have gotten
the land much cheaper!

“After all, ‘there isno place like home!’ And there is no ’home,sweet
home,’ for the colored man,but in Liberia!”

—­The African Repository, XXII, 320-321.

“FREEDOM IN A FREE STATE

“Facts are almost daily transpiringwhich show the immense importance of colonization.Among them, none are more conspicuous than those whichcome to us from the free States. If the coloredpeople cannot enjoy freedom in a free State, whatcan they do? Where shall they go? Here isa fact:

“Randolph’s ’John’.—­Weare told by the Lynchburg Virginian, that John,the well-known and faithful servant of the late JohnRandolph, who, with the emancipated slaves ofhis master, went to Ohio, and were there treatedby the citizens in a manner of which our readers havebeen apprized, has returned to Charlotte with the intentionof petitioning the legislature to allow himto remain in the commonwealth. He says,they have no feeling for colored people in Ohio,and, if the legislature refuse to grant his petition,he will submit to the penalty of remaining andbe sold as a slave—­preferring thisto enjoying freedom in a free state.

“We have been repeatedly asked,why do you not send those slaves to Liberia?To this question we reply, we have had nothing to dowith them, and have reason to believe that theyhave been prejudiced against going to Liberia.And in addition to this, it is now very doubtful whetherthey have money enough left to take them to Liberia;and it would be impossible for us, in the presentstate of our finance, to give them a free passageand support them six months after their arrival.

“We have been informed that manyof the rest of them would come back to Virginia,and be slaves, rather than remain in Ohio, if theycould get back. And yet they are now free andin a free state! But what does it all amountto?

“Suppose western Virginia and northernKentucky, were tomorrow to emancipate their slaves,what would become of them? They could not remainin those states. They must remove. Whereshall they go? To Ohio, most easily, and asthere are more Abolitionists in that state than anyother, more hopefully! But would they be admittedthere? Where then shall they go? Letthose who can, answer these questions. In viewof them, and such like, the scheme of colonizationrises in magnificence and grandeur beyond conception.

“This then is the time toaid this scheme, that when these thickening
events shall turn the tide intoLiberia, there may be strength and
intelligence enough there to receiveit!”

—­The African Repository, XXII, 321-322.

(From the Colonizationist)
THE RANDOLPH SLAVES

“Plattsville, Wis.,

“August 22, 1846.

“Bro. Gurley:—­Ihave observed from time to time, with the deepest
interest, the course pursued bythe citizens of Ohio toward the
emancipated slaves of the late JohnRandolph of Virginia.

“I had repeatedly remarked in mylectures, as stated in the ’Eleventh AnnualReport of the Indiana Colonization Society,’that when slaves were emancipated in the south,and by the laws of those States (as is the casewith most of them), they are forced to leave and notpermitted to remain in any State south, to go intothe north; those northern States would reject them,and leave the slave the alternative, to choose betweenreturning into bondage or emigrating to Liberia.In other words, Liberia offers the only retreatfor the slave from bondage, where he is requiredto leave the south. The free States, may, fora short time, tolerate the migration of a few coloredpeople among them from the south. Especiallyamong the Abolitionists, where they are allowed tohave the satisfaction of abducting them from theirmasters. But if the master comes and offersthem, and especially in large numbers, they will berefused.

“On my way to this place, I metwith a citizen of Indiana, formerly of Virginia,who gave me some singular facts on this subject.There is living in Ohio, said he, a worthy citizen,a Mr. G., a native of Virginia, who, after a residencethere of some eight or ten years, returned to Virginia,on a visit to see a brother who still remained inthe ‘Old Dominion.’ Mr. G. gavehis brother an interesting account of the prospectsand policy of Ohio, with which he was much pleased.The Virginia brother remarked to Mr. G. that hefound his slaves a great burden to him and requestedhim to take them all to Ohio and set them free!‘I cannot do it,’ said Mr. G. ‘Why?’asked his brother. ’The citizens ofOhio will not allow me to bring 100 negroes among themto settle,’ said Mr. G. ‘But,’said he, ’I can put you upon a plan by whichyou can get rid of them and get them into Ohio veryeasy. Do you take them to Wheeling and thereplace them on a steamboat for Cincinnati, and speakof taking them to New Orleans; and while you are lookingout for another boat, give the chance, and theAbolitionists will steal the whole of them andrun them off, and then celebrate a perfect triumphover them. But if you take them to the samemen and ask them to receive and take care of them,they will tell you to take care of them yourself.’

“The case of the Randolph slavesproves that Mr. G. was right, and that the viewpresented in our annual report is a just one.Mr. Randolph emancipated his slaves, and as theycould not remain in Virginia, they were to be sentto Ohio—­there they are not allowed to settle,and must now return to bondage, or go to Liberia.

“As yet the burden of embarrassmentof a mixed population of blacks is scarcely feltin the north, as it must be soon; for just as emancipationgoes on in the south, they must increase in thenorth, unless our plan and policy prevails.I cannot say that I regret to see a test of thesepractical truths. For facts speak out loudlyto prove the correctness of the best system ofpolicy on these subjects. Had Mr. Randolph’sslaves been allowed to remain in Ohio, they wouldhave been a downtrodden and oppressed people forall time to come. If they go to Liberia they willbe FREE in every sense of the term.

“B. T. Kavanaugh.”

—­The African Repository, XXII, 322-323.

“THE REPUBLIC OF LIBERIA

“The undersigned, having been appointedagent of the American Colonization Society, forthe State of Ohio, to solicit funds to aid its operations,begs leave to call attention to the statistical facts,in reference to the position which this State occupies,in relation to the free colored population of theUnited States, and the interest which she has insustaining the Republic of Liberia.

“From 1790 to 1810, the increaseof the free colored population of the United States,was at the average rate of near 6 per cent. per annum.The average increase of the slaves has been a littleover 21/2 per cent. per annum, or exactly two andsixty-hundredths. The census tables for thewhole period up to 1840, indicates that the naturalincrease of the free colored population is somewhatless than that of the slave. I shall supposeit to be 21/2 per cent. per annum. The excessof increase over 21/2 will, therefore, representthe emancipations. In applying this rule,it appears that the work of emancipation must havebeen actively prosecuted from 1790 to 1810.

“From 1810 to 1820 the rate ofincrease was reduced to a little less than21/2, or exactly two and forty-seven hundredths percent. per annum. This indicates that emancipationhad ceased to swell, in any appreciable degree,the number of free colored persons, unless we areforced to admit that there is greater mortalityamongst freedmen than slaves. This cessationof emancipation was before the organization ofthe Colonization Society. It is supposedto have been caused by the conviction that emancipationupon the soil had wrought but little change inthe colored man’s condition. The sympathiesof good men were therefore awakened in behalf ofthe colored man, and colonization proposed andadopted, as the best means of securing to him the socialand political privileges of which he was deprived.The establishment of an independent republic, includinga population of 80,000 souls, with foreign exportsto the value of $100,000 a year, and the introductionof civilization and Christianity in Africa, withall their attendant blessings, furnishes an answerto the question of the success of the scheme.

“The period of the greatest popularityof the Colonization Society, was from 1820 to 1830.During this time, the increase of the free coloredpopulation reached to nearly 3 per cent. or a halfper cent. per annum over the natural increase.But from 1830 to 1840, the period when the Societyhad the least popularity, the increase was but a verysmall fraction over two per cent. per annum,being two and eight hundredths, indicating thatfewer bondmen had been liberated than during any otherperiod. Indeed, the decrease was sogreat as to reduce the rate of increase morethan a half per cent. per annum below the naturalincrease of the slaves, and furnished an argumentin favor of the idea, that freedom in this countryis unfavorable to the longevity of the coloredman. From all these facts, we may infer that colonization,while its object has been to benefit the free coloredman, has not been unfavorable to emancipation.

“But colonization has not removedthe 450,000 free persons of color from our country.They remain as a floating body in our midst,drifting, as the census tables show, hither andthither, as the effects of climate at thenorth, or foreign emigration at the east, orprejudice at the south, repel it from thosepoints. It is an interesting subject of investigationto watch the movements of the colored population, andascertain where they are tending and whither theywill find a resting place.

“In 1810, in the eastern States,they commenced a movement from north towards thesouth; and in 1820, began to diverge westward, throughthe most southern of the free States, and penetratedinto Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. From 1830to 1840, Pennsylvania alone retained her natural increase,while the other eastern and northeastern free States,and also the eastern and southeastern slave States,all lost, or repelled, the greater part of theirnatural increase, and some of them a considerableportion, besides, of the original stock. Butwhere have these people gone? That is thequestion which deeply interests Ohio. The censustables furnish the solution.

“From 1810 to 1840, the coloredpopulation of Ohio has been increasing at the averagerate of 20 per cent. per annum. The increase forthe ten years from 1830 to 1840, was 911/4 percent. Supposing the emigration into Ohio since1840 to have been no greater than before that period,her present colored population will be 30,000.If to this we add that of Indiana and Illinois,allowing their increase to have been at the same rate,these three States will have a population of near 50,000colored persons, or one ninth of the presentfree colored population of the United States.

“Ohio, therefore, cannot remaininactive. She must do something. These menshould have all the stimulants to mental and moralaction which we ourselves possess. But I shallleave to wiser men than myself the task of devisingnew means to secure this object, while I goforward in my labors for the only one whichhas yet been successful in securing to any portionof the colored people their just rights.

“The Colonization Society has inits offer, generally, more slaves than itsmeans will enable it to send to Liberia. Withouta large increase of means, therefore, the Societycannot send out many free persons of color.Three fourths of the emigrants heretofore have beenliberated by their masters, with a view of beingsent to Liberia.

“Perhaps it is well that eventsshould have been thus ordered. If slaves,when emancipated and instructed, and made to tasteof the sweets of liberty, and to feel the responsibilitiesof nationality, can establish a prosperous andhappy republic, and exert such an extended moralinfluence as to accomplish infinitely more in removingthe greatest curse of Africa, the slave-trade,from a large extent of her coast, than has beendone at an expense of more than a hundred millionsof dollars, by the fleets of England and France,it reflects the greater honor upon the Africanrace, and may serve to stimulate the free peopleof color of this country, to make the effort to jointheir brethren in a land of freedom.

“In addition to sending emigrantsto Liberia, it is of the utmost importance thatthe Society should purchase the greatest possibleamount of territory, at the present moment,and thus enlarge the sphere of influence whichthe republic exerts over the natives, and put it beyondthe power of the nations, adverse to her interests,to circumscribe her in the noble efforts she ismaking for the redemption of Africa.

“In this connection, it may beproper to say, that the gift of one dimefrom each one of the 100,000 inhabitants of Cincinnati,or $10,000 would probably purchase fifty-sixmiles square of territory or more than twomillions of acres of land as good as that of Ohio.Now, suppose a gift of such value were offeredto the colored people of the city, or of the State,on condition that they would take possession of itand organize a State Government for themselves,and be admitted as one of the members of the newrepublic, who will say that they should or wouldreject the offer? Who will say that it would notbe more safe and wise to emigrate to Africa thanto Canada, Oregon, California or Mexico? Butthe decision of this question of right belongs to thecolored people themselves. If the foreignemigration continues to roll in upon us, thesubordinate stations in society, in the west also,as is the case already in the east, will ere longbe chiefly occupied by foreigners, and the coloredman left, it is to be feared, without profitable employment.Dear as is the land of one’s birth, if men’sinterests can be better promoted by a removal,the ties of country and kindred are bonds easilybroken. The spirit of enterprise which characterizesthe present age, if we do our duty, will in duetime animate the intelligent colored man, as itis now stimulating the white race, and if he cannotsecure equality of condition here, will prompt himto go where he can obtain it.

“Total number of emigrantsup to January, 1848.... 5,961
Number of communicants in churches in 1843,
were, of

Americans........... 1,015Captured Africans..... 116Converted heathen..... 353 in all............... 1,484

Present population estimatedby President Roberts 80,000

Of these, are emigrants, captured Africans, etc.,about....................................... 5,000

“The slave trade is suppressedon 400 miles of coast, excepting at
one point.

“Shipping owned in thecolony, 14 vessels, of from 20 to 80 tons.

“The exports annually,from the colony, are about $100,000.

“David Christy, “AgentAm. Col. Society”

—­The African Repository, XXIV, 179-180.

OXFORD, O., April, 1848.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] For a more detailed account of these settlementssee Woodson’s “The Education of the Negro,Prior to 1861,” 243-244; and Hickok, “TheNegro in Ohio,” 85-88.

[2] Mr. Powell, a teacher of Tuskegee, wrote thisletter a few years ago while making a study of theNegroes in Ohio.

A TYPICAL COLONIZATION CONVENTION

CONVENTION OF FREE COLORED PEOPLE

In another column we present a CircularAddress to the free colored people of Maryland,calling a Convention to assemble in Baltimore the25th of July, to take into consideration their presentcondition and future prosperity, and compare themwith the inducements held out to them to emigrateto Liberia. This movement may be considered indicativeof the change that is going on in the minds of thecolored people respecting emigration. It iswell known that heretofore they have been almostentirely insensible to the advantages which they mustnecessarily enjoy in a land peculiarly their own.They have not been entirely free from the controlof bad counsellors.—­Now they seem resolvedto take the matter into their own hands, and tolook at their present condition and future prospectsin this country as a matter in which they are personallyinterested. When they do this in earnest, theresult can be easily foreseen. They will desireto escape from their present anomalous condition,will yearn to be free and disenthralled, to have aland of their own, to have rights unquestionedby any superiors, where character, enterprise,education, and all that is lovely and noble in lifeshall combine to elevate and improve them and theirchildren after them to the latest generation.

—­African Repository, XXVIII, 195-196.

EMIGRATION OF THE COLORED RACE

In presenting the circular, which willbe found in another column, of which a committeeof colored persons have undertaken the distribution,(and which was written by one of themselves,) itgives us pleasure to commend it as the evidenceof a new and generally unexpected change of sentimenton the part of the colored population, or, at least,some portion of it. It is well known thatfor twenty-five years the Colonization Societiesin this country have labored to present before thatportion of our population, the advantages which mustaccrue to them, from emigration to a land wherethey might enjoy, undisturbed, those social andmaterial privileges which it was impossible ever toexpect they could obtain by a residence of centuriesin this country, and that these appeals have metwith comparatively little attention, and, in deedhave been received with very bad grace by the greatmass of those whom it was intended to benefit.The cause of this opposition was to be found inthe steady and violent animosity of those white fanatics,who, setting themselves up as the peculiar friendsof the blacks, represented that the prejudice againsttheir color was merely an arbitrary sentiment,which time would weaken or entirely dissipate; andthat they might still look forward to enjoying,in this country, an equality in social and politicalrights with the whites.

This assumption of peculiar friendlinesson the part of the Abolitionists, and the plausiblereasonings with which they approached their “coloredfriends,” have acquired the confidence of thelatter, who are now, however, beginning to awaketo a just idea of their condition and future prospectsin this country. They have discovered that theloud-mouthed protestations of the Abolitionists,are the mere effervescence of an intermeddlingand dangerous faction, against whose principlesthe whole Union—­whose destruction they havemeditated—­has pronounced in tones ofthunder; a faction whose baleful alliance is shunnedmost religiously, by both of the great parties of thecountry. They have discovered that undergroundrailroads are a device to inveigle the slaves froma condition of comparative comfort, into the freedomof starvation, with a poor display of politicalprivileges, which are mockery in view of theirexercise by an ignorant and despised minority; thatthe expectations fostered in behalf of the free blacksare proved to be entirely futile by the continuedattitude of opposition held towards them, whenthere is a question of lessening the social and politicalgulf which divides the races. They discover thatthe rapid immigration of whites from every quarter,is encroaching upon their employments, and lesseningtheir chance of gaining a thrifty livelihood, evenin those menial pursuits to which they are chieflylimited.

With the spread of education, and theexpansion of republican ideas, they become moresensible of their own anomalous and degraded condition,and the result is a yearning to be free like thosearound them, to have a land all their own, to haverights unquestioned by any superior color, to gowherever such privileges may be obtained. Theysee in the growing republics on the West coastof Africa, a living refutation of the calumniesof the Abolitionists against the colonizationists,a land where, from simple citizenship up to thehighest post in the government, all is free andopen to them, and where character, enterprise, educationand honorable ambition, have all their appropriaterewards in the order of the State. What isbetter, no white man can hope to cast his lot therewith the prospect of permanent settlement, or transmittinga healthy posterity. They see there such menas the late Gov. Russwurm or the present Gov.Roberts, sustaining their rule surrounded by theirown race, with a distinction and dignity whichwould do honor to any white man. They seethere pioneers of their own color, who in the artsof peace or of war, are striking examples of whatthe emancipation of the MIND can effect.

This is a crisis full of important resultsto the race in this country, and it behooves themnow to cast aside all false issues, to take into seriousconsideration (in the words of the circular) theirpresent condition and future prospects in thiscountry, and contrast them with the inducementsand prospects opened to them in Liberia, or any othercountry.

We have little doubt as to the quarterto which their preferences will be given, althoughthat is as yet left an open question. Trinidadis a failure, Jamaica is a half-ruined Britishdependency, and in both the white man the solesource of authority. Liberia excepted, Haiti isthe only point left, and here reigns a perpetualjealousy between the black and mulatto. Moreover,the imperial rule set up there is repugnant to theirfeelings and inclinations, for strange to say, in themidst of depression, this race in America has becomeimbued with a sentiment of republicanism and alove for its system, which will make them in Africathe sedulous imitators of ourselves, in all butin the misfortune of introducing another race tobe perpetually subservient to themselves. Inthis career we are happy to believe they will runrejoicing, long after the privations of their forefathersin this country shall have been forgotten.

—­African Repository, XXVIII, 196-197.

CIRCULAR

Pursuant to an invitation given throughthe columns of the Baltimore daily papers to theFree Colored Population of Baltimore, friendly tocalling a State Convention, to be held in this citysome time during the ensuing summer to take intoconsideration their present position and futureprospects in this country, and to compare the samewith the inducements and prospects held out tothem to emigrate to Liberia or elsewhere; a respectablenumber assembled in the school room of St. James(colored) Church, corner of Saratoga and North streets.

The meeting being duly organized, itwas resolved that a Convention of Delegates ofthe Free Colored Population from each county of theState of Maryland and of the City of Baltimore,be held in this city on the 25th of July next,for the purpose above stated.

Resolved, That a committee of three beappointed to issue a circular addressed to theFree Colored People of the State, setting forth theobject of the Convention, the time of its commencementand the conditions upon which Delegates will beentitled to a seat in the same.

At an adjourned meeting of persons friendlyto the call of the said Convention, held on the4th of June 1852, in the room before referred to,the Committee on the Circular Address, made the followingreport, which was unanimously approved and adopted:

ADDRESS TO THEFREE COLORED PEOPLE OF THE STATE OF MARYLAND

Brethren:—­Whereas the presentage is one distinguished for inquiry, investigationand enterprise, in physical, moral and political sciencesabove all past ages of the world, one in which thenations of the earth seem to have arisen fromthe slumber of ages, and are putting forth theirutmost energies to obtain all those blessings, whichnature and nature’s God seem to have intendedthat man should enjoy, and the principles setforth by the American Sages, in the Declarationof Independence of these United States, “thatall men are created equal, and are endowed bytheir Creator with certain inalienable rights,among which are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness,”with each revolving year have extended wider and widerthroughout the habitable globe, and sunk deeperand deeper into the hearts of millions of men,and as we humbly hope, are destined to revolutionizethe civil and political conditions of all the nationsof the earth, it would indeed be passing strangeif the Free Colored man in this country, whichgave birth to those elevated and sublime sentiments,should feel nothing of the force of their mighty import,and with anxious eye and panting heart, endeavorin this, or some other country, to realize theblessings so freely enjoyed by the white citizensof this land. Actuated by these feelings we havepresumed to address our brethren of our nativeState, and we do hereby respectfully solicitthem to assemble with us in this city, on the25th of next month (July), to take into serious considerationour present condition and future prospects inthis country, and contrast them with the inducementsand prospects opened to us in Liberia, or anyother country. In conformity with a resolutionpassed at the meeting held on the 24th ultimo,the Committee do hereby respectfully propose,that each county in the State shall have the privilegeof sending any number of Delegates not exceedingsix, as they may deem proper, and our brethrenthroughout the State are requested to hold meetings(by legal permission) in their several counties, forthe purpose of selecting their Delegates, andto collect money to defray the expenses theymay incur by attending the said Convention.

As the object for which this Conventionis called, is one of vital importance to theFree Colored People of Maryland, it is greatly tobe desired, and confidently expected that a fullattendance of Delegates will be present on theoccasion, who will calmly, deliberately andintelligently consider the object for which they havebeen called together, and that each Delegate will comeprepared to contribute his portion of information,and fully and freely to express his views onthe great subject of our future destiny.

Delegates are requested to bring credentialsof their appointment from the chairman and secretaryof the meeting at which they were appointed,but in counties where no formal meeting is held, Delegatesare requested to procure a certificate from somerespectable person, either white or colored,a well known resident of the county from whencehe or they may come. All Delegates complying withthe above requisitions, shall be duly admittedto the Convention.

All communicationsin relation to the Convention must be directed to
the care of H.H. Webb, St. James’ School Room, corner of Saratoga
and North streets.

James A. Handy,Chairman. John H. Walker, Secretary.

—­The African Repository, XXXIII,pp. 197-199.

BALTIMORE, June 4, 1852.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE CONVENTION OF FREE COLORED PEOPLE OFTHE STATE OF MARYLAND

Held in Baltimore,July 26, 27, and 28, 1852

In pursuance of public notice, a meetingof delegates to the Convention of Free ColoredPeople of the State was held in the lower room ofWashington Hall. The Convention was temporarilyorganized at 3 o’clock, by calling JamesA. Handy, of Fell’s Point, to the chair, JohnH. Walker being appointed secretary. Mr. Handyreturned his thanks for the honor conferred uponhim.

On motion of Charles O. Fisher,of Fell’s Point, a committee of one from
each delegation present was appointedto nominate permanent officers of
the Convention.

On motion of James F. Jackson, thecredentials of the delegates were
handed in, and the following sectionsof the State were found to be
represented:

East Baltimore—­JamesA. Handy, James T. Jackson, Chas. O. Fisher,
Stephen W. Hill, Daniel Koburn,David G. Bailey.

Kent county—­Jas. A. Jones,Isaac Anderson, Levi Rogers, William Perkins

Dorchester county—­B.Jenifer, C. Sinclair, S. Green, Thomas Fuller, S.
Camper, J. Hughes.

Caroline County—­JacobLewis, Philip Canada, John Webb.

Northwest Baltimore—­SamuelB. Hutchings, David P. Jones, William White,
Francis Johns, John H. Walker, CorneliusThompson.

Frederick County—­Rev.William Tasker, Perry E. Walker, Joseph Lisles,
Robert Troby, Ephraim Lawson, NicholasPenn.

Northeast Baltimore—­Chas.Williamson, Rev. Darius Stokes, H. H. Webb, J.
Forty, C. Perry, Fred. Harris.

Hartford County—­DanielRoss, Henry Hopkins.

Talbot County—­GarrisonGibson, Charles Dobson, Joseph Bantem.

There was considerable excitement amonga number of ‘outsiders,’ opposed tothe meeting and its objects, who frequently assailedthe delegates coming to the Convention and a largenumber of whom, having come into the room, wereripe for any further opposition they could exhibit.

The Dorchester county delegation havingseen this state of things, several of them aroseand remarked that they did not think that their presencehere could be of any benefit, and they there proposedto withdraw and go home. This announcementwas received with applause, and cries of “good”from the opponents of colonization.

A member from Kent county beggedthe delegates to stand firm in their
position, and the result of theirlabors would be of much benefit.
[Applause and hisses.]

John H. Walker of Baltimore, arose andread the circular calling the Convention, whichwas to take into consideration the present conditionand future prospects of the colored race. Hesaid they lived in the same State that their fathershad lived in, but not under the same Constitution—­thenew instrument not recognizing the colored people atall. They were men, but not recognized as men.He alluded to the legislation of the members ofthe Assembly, all of which resulted in oppressionto the colored race, each consecutive session.He desired that the condition of the colored peopleshould be considered by this convention; that theyshould decide on what course to take. The circularalluded to emigration to Liberia, or elsewhere,which he explained to mean that they should examineall the places and see if emigration would be beneficial.It was necessary for them to know the geographicalposition and resources of the different countries—­oftheir rivers, mountains, harbors, climate, &c;and if the convention should determine on any particularplace for emigration, it was necessary to ascertainall that would be wanted in such country. Forone he intended now to remain where he was, butif a better place could be found why he was gonefor it. The speaker was opposed at first, butfinally gained the attention of the audience, andwas frequently applauded.

William Perkins, of Kent county, saidhe believed that much of the opposition and excitementwhich had sprung up about this convention withina few days, was caused by a report, falsely circulated,that the Colonization Society had given $700 forcarrying out certain objects through its medium.He hoped that after the explanation that had beengiven, the Dorchester county delegation would consentto remain.

A member from Dorchester countysaid that if they were assured that the
colored people of Baltimore desiredthem to remain, they would do so.
Their object was to consult forthe good of the colored race.

Perry E. Walker, of Frederick, said,they had come here supposing that the majorityof the colored people of Baltimore were in favor ofthe call of the convention. (Cries of “no,they are not.”) He and his associates hadcome to consider into the condition of their race—­hadno other object in view.

Rev. Darius Stokes addressed the convention,the object of which, he said, was to consult onlyin reference to the condition of the colored people.They had been told for thirty years past of countrieswhich were better for them, but they had only todepend upon the representation of others as tothe truths of these statements. They were a people—­thecolored people of the State of Maryland—­whoshould consult about their present condition andfuture prospects. He said their white friendswere getting tired of helping them, because theydid not seem disposed, it was alleged, to helpthemselves. He asked where were their schools,orphan asylums? &c. As to going to Africa hewas in favor of any man going where he thoughthe could do better. (Cries of “good,” “right,”“that’s it.”)

P. Oilman (not a delegate), asked tobe heard, and after a great deal of confusion,got the attention of the audience, and spoke in oppositionto what Mr. Stokes had said. He remarked thathe could not talk as well as Stokes, but he couldthink as well, (laughter.) As for him, he came hereto put down and oppose this convention. [Cries of“good,” and cheers from the audience.]

Henry Zeddicks, of Frederick, saidthat they were here from pure
motives, to consult for their good,and was received with much favor by
the whole assemblage.

James A. Jones, of Kent, said he wasdecidedly in favor of emigration—­andemigration to Africa. They expected to be honoredin coming into the presence of Baltimore friends,but in this, the largest city of the State, theyfound a great amount of confusion. In his opinion,he believed that the colored man could never rise toeminence except in Africa—­in the landof their forefathers. [A voice—­“Showit in Africa.”] He pointed to Liberia.He believed that Africa was the only place wherethe colored man could expect to be a freeman.On taking his seat he was hissed by the opponentsof emigration.

The committee on nominating permanentofficers, recommended the
following, who were accepted:

President—­Rev. WilliamTasker, of Frederick; Vice Presidents—­C.Sinclair of Dorchester, Levi Rogers of Kent, E.Lawson of Frederick, S. W. Hill of East Baltimore,Charles Dobson of Talbot, Francis Johns of WestBaltimore, and John Webb of Caroline; Secretaries,John H. Walker of Baltimore, and Josiah Hughesof Dorchester.

Rev. Darius Stokes addressed theconvention in an eloquent and fervent
style in reference to its objects.

James A. Jones, of Kent, said that sincehe had addressed the convention, he had been informedthat his head, if not his life, was in danger ifhe left the room. He would therefore leave underthe protection of the police, and send in the morninghis resignation.

Rev. Darius Stokes begged Mr. Jones toremain—­that the young colored gentlemenof Baltimore were not disposed to harm him. Peoplehad said that they had met here to sell their rightsand liberties, but they would show them to-morrowthat they only looked to their welfare and interests.This was the first time a colored convention of thewhole State had ever assembled in the State—­aremarkable era in their history.

On motion of Mr. Stokes a committee often-were appointed to prepare a “platform”for the convention. The following was the Committee:—­H.H. Webb, of Baltimore; James A. Jones, of Kent;Charles O. Fisher, of Baltimore; B. Jenifer andThomas Fuller, of Dorchester; Jacob Lewis, of Caroline;Joseph Bantem of Talbot; Perry E. Walker, of Frederick;William Williams, of Baltimore; and Henry Hopkins,of Harford.

The convention then adjourned tillTuesday morning.

SECOND DAY’S PROCEEDINGS

The Convention re-assembled at 10o’clock on Tuesday the 27th, at
Washington Hall, the Rev. WilliamTasker of Frederick, President, in the
chair. The convention was openedwith prayer by the president.

A note was received from H. H. Webb,of Baltimore, declining to serve as
a delegate to the convention, statingthat he was not able to attend,
and did not approve of the mannerin which he was elected.

In the absence of Josiah Hughes,of Dorchester, one of the Secretaries,
Cornelius Campbell, was appointedto fill the vacancy.

The proceedings of Monday not beingready, on motion, the report in the
“Sun” was readin lieu thereof.

William Williams, of Baltimore,arose and stated that his name appeared
in the committee on the platformthrough a mistake—­he was not a
delegate to the convention.

On motion, James A. Handy, of Baltimore,and William Perkins, of Kent,
were appointed on the platform committee,to fill the vacancies
occasioned by the withdrawal ofWebb and Williams.

Charles Wyman and Allen Lockerman,delegates from Caroline Co., appeared
and took their seats.

Several of the delegates from Dorchestercounty and other places were
not present, having gone home inconsequence of the disturbances on
Monday afternoon.

B. Jenifer, chairman of the committeeon the platform, made the
following report, which was readby Charles O. Fisher:

WHEREAS,The present age is one distinguished for enquiry,
investigation,enterprise and improvement in physical, political,
intellectual andmoral sciences, we hold the truths to be
self-evident thatwe are, as well as all mankind, created equal, and
are endowed byour Creator with the right to enquire into our present
condition andfuture prospects; and as a crisis has arisen in our
history presentinga bright and glorious future, may we not hope that
ere long the energiesof our people may be aroused from their
lethargy, andseek to obtain for themselves and posterity the rights
and privilegesof freemen—­therefore,

Resolved, That while we appreciateand acknowledge the sincerity of the motivesand the activity of the zeal of those who, during anagitation of twenty years have honestly struggledto place us on a footing of social and politicalequality with the white population of this country,yet we cannot conceal from ourselves the fact thatno advance has been made towards a result tous so desirable; but that on the contrary, ourcondition as a class is less desirable than it wastwenty years ago.

Resolved, That in the faceof an emigration from Europe, which is greatereach year than it was the year before, and during theprevalence of a feeling in regard to us, whichthe very agitation intended for good, has onlyserved apparently to embitter we cannot promiseourselves that the future will do that which the pasthas failed to accomplish.

Resolved, That recognisingin ourselves the capacity to conduct honorably,and creditably, in public affairs; to acquire knowledge,and to enjoy the refinements of social intercourse;and having a praiseworthy ambition that thiscapacity should be developed to its full extent,we are naturally led to enquire where this can bestbe done, satisfied as we are that in this country,at all events from present appearances, it isout of the question.

Resolved, That in comparingthe relative advantages of Canada, the WestIndies and Liberia—­these being the placesbeyond the limits of the United States to whichcircumstances have directed our attention—­weare led to examine the claims of Liberia particularly,where alone, we have been told that we can exerciseall the functions of a free republican government,and hold an honorable position among the nationsof the earth.

Resolved, That in thus expressingour opinions it is not our purpose to counselemigration as either necessary or proper in everycase. The transfer of an entire people fromone country to another, must necessarily bethe work of generations—­each individualnow and hereafter must be governed by the circumstancesof his own condition, of which he alone canbe the judge, as well in regard to the time of removal,as to the place to which he shall remove; but deeplyimpressed ourselves with the conviction thatsooner or later removal must take place, wewould counsel our people to accustom themselves tothe idea of it, and in suggesting Liberia to them,we do so in the belief that it is there alonethey can reasonably anticipate an independentnational existence.

Resolved, That as this subjectis one of greatest importance to us, and theconsideration of which, whatever may be the result,can not be put aside, we recommend to our peoplein this State to establish and maintain an organizationin regard to it, the great object of which shallbe enquiry and discussion, which, without committingany one, shall lead to accurate information,and that a convention like the present, composedof delegates from the counties and Baltimore city,be annually held at such time and place as said convention,in their judgment, may designate.

A motion was made to accept the report,which led to debate, John H. Walker speaking atlength in opposition to the resolutions, and hopedthat they would be referred back to the committee,contending that there should have been a recommendationto raise a fund to fee a lawyer, or some influentialcitizen of this State, to go to Annapolis next winterto endeavor to obtain a change of legislation inreference to the colored race.

B. Jenifer, of Dorchester, repliedto Walker, urging that his views were
in opposition to the spirit of thecircular which called them together,
and a majority of the delegatespresent.

At one o’clock the conventiontook a recess.

Afternoon Session.—­Theconvention re-assembled at 4 o’clock, the
resolutions being again debatedby various delegates—­John H. Walker, B.
Jenifer, C. Perry, and others.

Rev. Darius Stokes moved to laythe motion to adopt the platform on the
table, which was determined in theaffirmative.

On motion of Mr. Stokes the conventionwent into the committee of the
whole, Charles Williamson in thechair, and took up the report of the
committee in sections.

The two first resolutions were adopted,the third referred back to the
committee, and pending the furtheraction on the remainder of the
resolutions, the convention adjournedtill Wednesday morning.

THIRD DAY’S PROCEEDINGS

The convention re-assembled at 10o’clock on Wednesday the 28th at
Plowman street Hall, Ephraim Lawson,Vice President, in the chair, who
opened the proceedings with Prayer.

A note was received from the President,Rev. William Tasker, stating
that indisposition would preventhim from presiding over the
deliberations of the body the remainderof its sessions.

The attendance of the delegateswas small in the morning, and very few
lookers on were present.

The platform being again taken up, F.Harris, of Baltimore, presented a protest againstthe adoption of the fourth resolution, which pointedout Liberia as the place of emigration for thecolored people, because it recommends emigrationto that place contrary to the wishes of his constituents,and a majority of the free colored people of the cityand State. He contended that if they werefor Liberia, they should say so at once, and tellthe mob out doors that they were endeavoring to sendthem all there—­not say one thing inthe convention and another outside.

James A. Jones, of Kent, said that Harriswas endeavoring to shape his course the way thewind blowed. For himself, he hoped the entireplatform would be adopted, and without further debatehe moved that the fourth resolution be passed.

Stephen W. Hill, of Baltimore, contendedthat the resolutions did not look to an immediateemigration to Africa—­that they only recommendedLiberia as a place where they could enjoy the blessingsof liberty, and as the most suitable country forthe colored man whenever they should be disposedto seek another home.

William Perkins, of Kent, in answer tothe protest of Harris, said the only platform theyrecommended for adoption, left it to every man to gowhere he pleased, or to remain here if it suitedhim better. Let Mr. Harris go to his constituentsand tell them that the convention only recommendedwhat it thought best; its action was binding on noman.

F. Harris, in reply, asked if the conventionhad examined Liberia. They recommended thatplace for them to emigrate to, and yet they had notmade any examination of Liberia to know whetherit would suit. Did they know anything of theclimate or agriculture of Liberia to lay before thepeople. Let them examine Canada, Jamaica, andother places, and then if they found Liberia thebest place, why say so to the people.

Chas. Williamson said he had had it inhis power to examine most countries. He hadbeen in Canada twice; in the West Indies three times,and, under the British government in Trinidad fiveyears. During that time he had examined thecountries with a view to see which was the best forthe colored people. He was sixty-seven years ofage and could expect little for himself. Inthe West Indies capital ruled the people—­thegovernment recognized you, but the planters, whohad been accustomed to drive on slaves, knew younot. If they went to Canada they would not bettertheir condition—­he had lived there seventeenmonths at one time. It would cost money toget to Canada—­money to get to the West Indies.The Canadas are peopled with many persons from thiscountry. The leading men were principallyYankees. In the West Indies he had to take hishat around to get the dead out of the way of theturkey-buzzards—­that showed their sympathy.In Canada you cannot be recognized in office—­inthe West Indies it is better, and some colored personsget into office. In the Canadas he never heardof but one colored man being in office. TheCanadas are a fine country, but he asserted here thathe felt there could be no permanent home for themexcept in Africa, where their children could enjoyall the blessings of liberty. That was the bestcountry for them. In the United States theydid not want the colored people any more, theyhad got the use of them, and now in this State thenew constitution did not recognize them at all.(A voice—­“Yes, as chattels.”)The minister of Hayti to this country was not recognizedby the President, and had to go home again.Liberia, on the west coast of Africa, had as fine,or better, climate, as regards atmosphere, than theWest Indies. He wished to go where they wouldbe free, for their moral culture here he consideredout of the question.

James A. Handy, of Baltimore, remarkedthat they lived in an interesting age of the world—­thatit was the glory of our day that assistance is offeredto the immortal principles of man, and it strugglesto free itself from the trammels and superstitionsof the past, and of the oppressions and burthensof the present. We live in an age of physical,moral and intellectual wonders; and that man istruly fortunate who lives at the present, and hasthe privilege of aiding in carrying forward thegreat enterprise of redeeming, disenthralling and restoringback in all their primitive glory three millionsof down trodden people to the land of their forefathers.On the western shore of Africa there was the infantrepublic of Liberia attracting the attention of allthe enlightened nations of the earth. Forfour years she had maintained her position as anindependent State, and today she was prosperous, happyand free, acknowledged by England, France, Russiaand Prussia—­four of the greatest powersof the earth; and before this year is out the UnitedStates will be willing, ready and anxious to cultivatefriendly relations with that garden spot—­thatheritage which a kind and overruling Providencehas prepared for us, and not only for us, but forall the sable sons and daughters of Ham.

One word in relation to the inducementsheld out by Liberia—­Asia could not exceedthe variety of the productions of Africa—­Europewith her numerous manufactories and internal resources,could not cope with her in physical greatness—­Americawith her noble institutions, elements of power,facilities of improvement, promises of greatness andhigh hopes of immortality, was this day far, veryfar behind her in natural resources. Nothingcan excel the value of her productions—­sugar-canegrows rapidly, cotton is a native plant, corn andhemp flourish in great perfection; oranges, coffee,wild honey, lemons, limes, mahogany, cam-wood,satin-wood, rose-wood, &c., abound there; mules, oxen,horses, sheep, hogs, fowls of all kinds, are inthe greatest abundance. She holds out a richtemptation to commerce and a strong inducement toemigration. To the latter the United Statesowed what she was, making her one of the most effectivenations of the world. For years the gloriousgalaxy of stars which arose in the western hemispherehave been casting their generous, grateful lightover the social, moral and political darkness ofthe East, but to-day the commanding tide of commerceis changing. From the Pacific shores the geniusof American enterprise and industry has openeda nearer highway to the Celestial Empire, and isnow, by a closer interchange of fraternal relations,unbolting the massive doors, and securing the commerceof China and Japan.

On the lap of American civilization,and around the altars of this Christian land, havebeen born the moral elements of civil and Christianpower, ordained by heaven for the redemption ofAfrica. For the last 2,000 years, that wretchedland of mystery and crime has been abandoned tothe cupidity of most cruel barbarism, surpassing indegradation, guilt and woe, all other nations ofthe earth. Pre-eminently high on the pageof prophetic scripture is chronicled in most unequivocallanguage the name and future redemption of Africa.For twelve centuries the problem “how shallAfrica be redeemed?” has been unsolved, althoughearnestly sought for by the civil and religiouspowers of Europe; but in every instance it hasbeen in vain, and the cloud of her wretchedness blackenedon each failure. Mysterious and inscrutable arethe ways of Providence to accomplish her restoration,lift her from the jaws of death, bind her as ajewel to the throne of righteousness, and give hera place among the civilized nations of mankind.God in his pity, wisdom and goodness, has openedthe way for a part of her crushed children, predoomedby bloody superstitions to altars of death, to be deliveredfrom immolation and find an asylum under a formof ameliorated service in the bosom of this country;and here their children have been born, elevatedand blessed under redeeming auspices. In the lapseof time, by the same benevolent providence, manyof this people have become free, and to such thevoice of heaven emphatically speaks, thundering forthin invigorating terms, “Arise and departfor this is not your rest.”

This makes us bold in saying that emigrationis the only medium by which the long closed doorsof that continent are to be opened; by her own children’sreturning, bearing social and moral elements of civiland religious power, by which that continent isto be resuscitated, renovated and redeemed.

Thirty-one years ago the first emigrantship that ever sailed eastward from these shoresto Africa, conveying to that dark land a missionaryfamily of some two hundred souls—­herown returning children, enriched with the moreenduring treasures of the western world; there by themon the borders of that continent, overshadowedwith the deepest gloom, were raised the first rudetemples of civilization—­the first hallsof enlightened legislation—­the firstChristian altars to the worship of Almighty Godthat have ever proved successful, or of any permanent,practical utility. Then and there arose thelong promised light, the star of hope to the benightedmillions of Africa. Since that day the starhas risen higher and higher, the light extended alongthe coast and reaching far back towards the mountainsof the Moon, radiating, elevating and purifying;and to-day we behold a nation born on the westerncoast of Africa, respected, prosperous and happy.Here then is practically and beautifully solved,on the true utilitarian principles of this wonder-workingage, the mysterious problem: By whom is Africato be redeemed? The answer comes rumblingback to us, over the towering billows of the Atlantic,from the Republic of Liberia, with a voice that startsour inmost souls, falling with ponderous weight uponthe ears of the free colored people of this Union—­“thouart the man, thou art the woman.”

James A. Jackson, of Baltimore, eulogizedHayti as standing as high above the other WestIndia islands as the United States does above therepublic of Mexico, in the point of commercial importance.This island had tried the experiment of republicanismand had changed it. It was now a questionwith the colored people, in their present condition,whether they were more suited to a republican thanmonarchical government. The productions ofthe soil of Hayti and of her forests were referredto, and the fact alleged that she would producemore than all the other West India islands puttogether. The exports and imports of the UnitedStates to and from the island were cited as anillustration of her prosperity. A comparisonwas made of the commerce of Liberia and that of Hayti,the latter country being held up in a very favorablelight.

Nicholas Penn, of Frederick, spoke infavor of emigration to Liberia. They did notwant an island. The colored population increasedso fast that they needed no island but a continentfor them. His constituents wished him to examineAfrica, and he hoped it would be done. Liberiawas the only place for them. The white manfought for and claimed this country, and he wasnow going to give it up to them. In the languageof Patrick Henry, will we be ready tomorrow ornext day to act more than now? No! Nowwas the time; and he hoped this enterprise would spreadfar and wide until the whole people should understandit and all unite in the glorious movement.Let us appoint men to go and examine Liberia, andreport to us just what it is. We want a home,and we were sent here to examine and determineon what would be best to recommend.

B. Jenifer, of Dorchester, said, allthese statements about Africa were theoretical—­gainedthrough geography, and went on to state that he hadspent nearly eleven months in Africa, had traveledit over and examined its productions and resources.He had been sent for that purpose by a coloredcolonization society of his county; but did not wishto discuss Liberia at this time. Mr. Handyhad so ably discussed the subject, and in all ofwhich he fully coincided with him. The true questionfor this convention to decide was whether theyshould remain, here, or to seek a home in Liberiaor elsewhere.

John H. Walker, after some difficulty,got the floor and offered a
substitute for the report of thecommittee on the platform, which was
unanimously adopted. The followingis the substitute:

WHEREAS, The present age is one eminentlydistinguished for inquiry, investigation, enterpriseand improvement in physical, political, intellectualand moral sciences; and, whereas, among our whiteneighbors every exertion is continually beingmade to improve their social and moral condition,and develop their intellectual faculties; and,whereas, it is a duty which mankind, (colored as wellas white,) owe to themselves and their Creatorto embrace every opportunity for the accomplishmentof this mental culture and intellectual development,and general social improvement; and, whereas, we, thefree colored people of the State of Maryland,are conscious that we have made little or noprogress in improvement during the past twenty years,but are now sunken into a condition of social degradationwhich is truly deplorable, and the continuingto live in which we cannot but view as a crimeand transgression against our God, ourselvesand our posterity; and, whereas, we believe that acrisis in our history has arrived when we maychoose for ourselves degradation, misery andwretchedness, on the one hand, or happiness, honorand enlightenment, on the other, by pursuing one oftwo paths which are now laid before us for ourconsideration and choice; may we not, therefore,hope that our people will awaken from their lethargicslumbers, and seek for themselves that futurecourse of conduct which will elevate them fromtheir present position and place them on an equalitywith the other more advanced races of mankind—­maywe not hope that they will consider seriouslythe self-evident proposition that all men arecreated equal, and endowed by the Creator with thesame privileges of exerting themselves for theirown and each other’s benefit; and, whereas,in view of these considerations, and in orderto commence the great and glorious work of our moralelevation, and our social and intellectual improvement,we are of the opinion that an organization ofthe friends of this just and holy cause is absolutelynecessary for effecting the object so much to be desired,and we are therefore—­

Resolved, That we will eachand every one, here pledge ourselves to eachother and to our God, to use on every and all occasions,our utmost efforts to accomplish the objectsset forth in the foregoing preamble; and thatwe will, now, and forever hereafter, engraft thistruth in our prayers, our hopes, our instructionsto our brethren and our children—­namely,that degradation is a sin and a source of misery,and it is a high, and honorable and a blessed privilegewe enjoy, the right to improve ourselves andtransmit to posterity happiness instead of ourmisery—­knowledge instead of our ignorance.

Resolved, That while we appreciateand acknowledge the sincerity of the motivesand the activity of the zeal of those who, during anagitation of twenty years, have honestly struggledto place us on a footing of social and politicalequality with the white population of the country,yet we cannot conceal from ourselves the fact thatno advancement has been made towards a resultto us so desirable; but that on the contrary,our condition as a class is less desirable now thanit was twenty years ago.

Resolved, That in the faceof an emigration from Europe, which is greatereach year than it was the year preceding, and duringthe prevalence of a feeling in regard to us,which the very agitation intended for good hasonly served apparently to embitter, we cannot promiseourselves that the future will do that which the pasthas failed to accomplish.

Resolved, That we recognizein ourselves the capacity of conducting ourown public affairs in a manner at once creditable andwell calculated to further among us the causeof religion, virtue, morality, truth and enlightenment—­andto acquire for ourselves the possession andenjoyment of that elevated refinement which so muchadorns and beautifies social intercourse amongmankind, and leads them to a proper appreciationof the relations existing between man and Deity—­manand his fellow men, and man and that companion whomGod has bestowed upon him, to console him inthe hours of trouble and darkness, or enjoywith him the blessings that heaven vouchsafed occasionallyto shower upon our pathway through life.

Resolved, That in a retrospectivesurvey of the past, we see between the whiteand colored races a disparity of thought, feelingand intellectual advancement, which convincesus that it cannot be that the two races willever overcome their natural prejudices towardseach other sufficiently to dwell together in harmonyand in the enjoyment of like social and politicalprivileges, and we therefore hold that a separationof ourselves from our white neighbors, manyof whom we cannot but love and admire for the generositythey have displayed towards us from time to time, isan object devoutly to be desired and the consummationof which would tend to the natural advantageof both races.

Resolved, That comparing therelative advantages afforded us in Canada, theWest Indies and Liberia—­these being theplaces beyond the limits of the United Stateswhich circumstances have directed our attention—­weare led to examine the claims of Liberia particularly,for there alone, we have been told, that we canexercise all the functions of a free republicangovernment, and hold an honorable position amongthe nations of the earth.

Resolved, That this Conventionrecommend to the colored people of Maryland,the formation of societies in the counties of the Stateand the city of Baltimore, who shall meet monthly,for the purpose of raising means to establishand support free schools for the education ofour poor and destitute children, and for the appointmenteach month of a person whose duty it shall beto collect such information in relation to thecondition of the colored emigrants in Canada, WestIndies, Guiana and Liberia, as can be obtainedby him from all available sources, which informationshall be brought to these monthly meetings abovealluded to, and read before them for the instructionof all, in order that when they are resolved, if theyshould so resolve, to remove from this countryto any other, they may know what will be theirwants, opportunities, prospects, &c., in orderto provide beforehand for any emergencies that maymeet them on their arrival in their new homes.

Resolved, That as this subjectis one of the greatest importance to us, andthe consideration of which whatever may be the result,cannot be put aside, we recommend to our peoplein this State to establish and maintain an organizationin regard to it, the great object of which shallbe enquiry and discussion, which, without committingany, may lead to accurate information; and thata convention like the present, composed of delegatesfrom the respective counties of the State andfrom Baltimore city, be held annually at such timesand places as may be hereafter designated.

Resolved, That in thus expressingour opinions, it is not our purpose to counselemigration as either necessary or proper in everycase. The transfer of an entire people fromone country to another, must necessarily bethe work of generations. Each individual now andhereafter must be governed by the circumstancesof his own condition, of which he alone canbe the judge, as well in regard to the time of removalas to the place to which he shall remove; but deeplyimpressed ourselves with the conviction thatsooner or later removal must take place, wewould counsel our people to accustom themselves tothat idea.

Resolved, That this Conventionrecommend to the ministers of the gospel amongthe free colored population of Maryland to endeavor,by contributions from their congregations andby other means, to raise funds for the purposeof forwarding the benevolent object of educatingthe children of the destitute colored persons in thisState; and that they also impress upon the mindsof their hearers the benefits which would necessarilyresult from development of their intellects,and the bringing into fullest use those mental powersand reasoning faculties which distinguish mankindfrom the brute creation; and that this be requestedof them as a part of their duty as ministersof the religion of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ.

E. Harris entered his protest againstthe adoption of the fourth
resolution.

A motion made to adjourn sine dieat 2 o’clock P.M., was lost; and a
resolution restricting each speakerto five minute speeches was adopted.

William Perkins spoke of the law enforcedin Kent, by which the children of free coloredpersons, whom the officers decided the parents wereunable to support, were bound out; and also of thelaw which prohibited a colored person returningto the State if he should happen to leave it.They were oppressed and borne down.

James A. Jones, of Kent, thoughthis native county equal to any other in
the State, and that colored personswere not more oppressed there than
elsewhere in the State.

Charles O. Fisher moved that a committeeof five be appointed to draw up a memorial to theLegislature of Maryland, praying more indulgence tothe colored people of the State, in order that theymay have time to prepare themselves for a changein their condition, and for removal to some otherland.

Daniel Koburn, of Baltimore, in referringto the oppressive laws of the State, said the hoglaw of Baltimore was better moderated than that inreference to the colored people. The hog lawsaid at certain seasons they should run about andat certain seasons be taken up; but the law referringto colored people allowed them to be taken up at anytime.

Chas. Dobson, of Talbot, said that thetime had come when free colored men in this countryhad been taken up and sold for one year, and whenthat year was out, taken up and sold for anotheryear. Who knew what the next Legislature woulddo; and if any arrangements could be made to bettertheir condition, he was in favor of them. He wasfor the appointing the committee on the memorial.

B. Jenifer, of Dorchester, opposedthe resolution; he was not in favor
of memorializing the Legislature—­ithad determined to carry out certain
things, and it was a progressivework.

Chas. Wyman, of Caroline; Jos.Bantem, of Talbot; John H. Walker, Chas.
O. Fisher and others discussed theresolution which was finally adopted.

The following is the committee appointed:Jno. H. Walker and Jas. A.
Handy, of Baltimore; William Perkins,of Kent; Thomas Fuller, of
Dorchester; and Daniel J. Ross,of Hartford county.

A resolution of thanks to the officersof the Convention, the reporters of the morningpapers, and authorities for their protection, wasadopted. The proceedings were also orderedto be printed in pamphlet form.

The Convention, at 3 o’clockadjourned to meet on the second Monday in
November, 1853, at Frederick, Md.

—­From the Baltimore Sun, July 27,28, and 29, 1852.

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

The Slaveholding Indians. Volume I: AsSlaveholder and Secessionist. By Annie HeloiseAbel, Ph.D. The Arthur H. Clark Company, Cleveland,1915. Pp. 394.

This is the first of three volumes on the slaveholdingIndians planned by the author. Volume II is totreat of the Indians as participants in the CivilWar and Volume III on the Indian under Reconstruction.

The present volume deals with a phase, as the authorsays, “of American Civil War history, whichhas heretofore been almost neglected, or where dealtwith, either misunderstood or misinterpreted.”It comes as a surprise to most of us that the Indianplayed a part of sufficient importance within theUnion to have the right to have something to say aboutsecession. Yet inconsistently enough he was consideredso much a foreigner that both the South and the North,particularly the former, found it expedient to employdiplomacy in approaching him.

The South, we are assured, found the attitude of theIndians toward secession of the greatest importance.Yet it was not the Indian owner so much as the Indiancountry that the Confederacy wanted to be sure ofpossessing, for Indian Territory occupied a positionof strategic importance from both the economic andthe military point of view. “The possessionof it was absolutely necessary for the political andinstitutional consolidation of the South. Texasmight well think of going her own way and of formingan independent republic once again, when between herand Arkansas lay the immense reservations of the greattribes. They were slave-holding tribes, too;yet were supposed by the United States governmentto have no interest whatsoever in a sectional conflictthat involved the very existence of the ‘peculiarinstitution,’”

The above quotation is practically the intent of thebook and the author has succeeded in carrying thisout in four divisions entitled: I, “TheGeneral Situation in the Indian Country, 1830-1860.”II, “Indian Territory in Its Relations withTexas and Arkansas.” III, “The Confederacyin Negotiation with the Indian Tribes.”IV, “The Indian Nations in Alliance with theConfederacy.”

The book is essentially a work by a scholar for scholars.It is certainly not for the laity. The factsare striking but well substantiated. There canbe no doubt but that much time has been spent in itscompilation. The style, however, is unusuallydry. It has appendices, an invaluable bibliography,a carefully tabulated index, four maps, and three portraitsof Indian leaders.

It is interesting to note that the author is of Britishbirth and ancestry and so presumably is free fromsectional prejudice. Her book marks a distinctstep forward, for those who are interested in Indianaffairs.

JESSIE FAUSET.

The Political History of Slavery in the UnitedStates. By James Z. George, formerly Chief Justiceof the Supreme Court of Mississippi and later UnitedStates Senator from that State. The Neale PublishingCompany, New York, 1915. Pp. xix, 342.

This is a discussion as well as the history of slaveryand Reconstruction from the time of the introductionof the slaves in 1619 to the break-up of the carpet-baggergovernments. “Considering the jealousiesand even animosities that are becoming more and moreintensified between the North and South, as well asthe disposition that is ever increasing in the strongersection to dominate the weaker,” the author believesthat “it is becoming necessary to think overcalmly and seriously the causes that have producedthese evils, and to ascertain, if we can, the remedy,if remedy there be.”

The work begins with a sketch of ancient slavery,showing that the introduction of the institution intothe Southern States was not exceptional. He thengives an account of slavery in the colonies, and theefforts to suppress the slave trade. The connectionof slavery with the War of 1812 and with the HartfordConvention is noted. He then takes up the MissouriCompromise with some detail, giving almost verbatimthe proceedings of Congress relative thereto.In the same way he treats the “Repudiation ofthe Missouri Compromise,” the Annexation of Texas,the Wilmot Proviso, the Kansas—­NebraskaAffair, the Lincoln and Douglas Debates, John Brown’sInvasion, Secession, the Civil War, and Reconstruction.

Throughout this treatise, he carefully notes the “jealousyof sectional interest and power and the determinationto maintain this power even at a cost of a dissolutionof the Union,” In other words, the whole sectionalstruggle grew out of what he calls the effort to maintainthe balance of power between two sections of the Union,with the slavery question contributing thereto.Facts set forth bring out very clearly that the Southis not to be censured as being especially hostile tothe Negro when on the statute books of the North thereare found numerous laws to show that persons of colorwere not considered desirables in those States.

He raises the question as to whether the South violatedthe Missouri Compromise and considers it a revolutionthat public functionaries disregarded the rights ofthe owners of slave property when the highest tribunal,the Supreme Court, had sanctioned these rights.The act of secession is palliated too on the groundthat the South had developed under the influence ofthat peculiar political philosophy which produced therea race that could never sanction passive obedience.In seceding the South was not attempting to overturnthe government of the United States. It was notcontemplated to interfere with the States adheringto the Union. They sought merely to “withdrawthemselves from subjection to a government which theywere convinced intended to overthrow their institutions.”

The Civil War came in spite of the fact that the Conventionthat framed the Constitution negatived the propositionto confer on the Federal Government the authorityto exert the force of the Union against a delinquentState. It was, therefore, a mere act of coercinga section preparing for self-defense. Reconstructionis treated very much in the same way. The lawsunder which it was effected were unjust, the men whoexecuted them were harsh, and the weaker section hadto pay the price.

The book cannot be classed as scientific work.The topics discussed are not proportionately treated,the style is rendered dull by the incorporation ofundigested material, and the emphasis is placed onthe political and legal phases of history at the expenseof the social and economic. In it we find verylittle that is new. It merely presents the well-knownpolitical theory of the Old South. The chiefvalue of the work consists in its being an expressionof the opinion of a distinguished man who participatedin many of the events narrated.

J. O. BURKE.

The Constitutional Doctrines of Justice Harlan.By Floyd Barzilia Clark, Ph.D., Assistant Professorof Political Science in Pennsylvania State College.Series XXXIII, No. 4, Johns Hopkins University Studiesin Historical and Political Science under the directionof the Department of History, Political Economy, andPolitical Science. The Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore,1915.

This work is a legal treatise consisting of a scholarlydiscussion of the doctrines advanced by Justice Harlanduring his service as a member of the Supreme Courtof the United States. The book opens with a briefbiography of the jurist, emphasizing the importantevents of his career to furnish a basis for the studyof his theories. The author then takes up suchtopics as the “Suability of States,” the“Impairment of the Obligation Contracts,”“Due Process of Law,” “Interstateand Foreign Commerce,” “Equal Protectionof the Laws,” the “Jurisdiction of Courts,”“Miscellaneous Topics,” and “JudicialLegislation.”

The author finds that in the treatment of these importantlegal questions Harlan measures up to the standardof an able jurist. Replying to those who havecharged him with emphasizing too greatly the letterof the law, the writer says that such a contentionis based on ignorance or prejudice. “Noone who so interpreted the Eleventh Amendment,”says the author, “as to maintain that a suitagainst the officer of a State in his official capacitywas not a suit against a State could have held to thestrict letter of the law.” The author furthercontends that this criticism of the jurist arisesfrom the fact that he did not believe in equivocation.

The interpretation of the laws relating to the Negro,the point on which he dissented from the majorityof the members of the court, should have been givenmore prominence in this discussion. The discriminationsagainst the Negroes are treated in connection withthe chapters on “Interstate and Foreign Commerce”and “Equal Protection of the Laws.”The Fourteenth Amendment is treated along with suchmiscellaneous topics as “Direct Taxation,”“Copyrights,” “Insular Cases,”“Interstate Comity,” and “LaborLegislation.” Stating Justice Harlan’stheory as to the position the Negro should occupyin this country, however, the author writes very frankly.Harlan, he thought, believed that they should occupythe position that historically they were intendedto occupy by the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amendments.He believed that the law should be interpreted as itwas meant and not as the court thought expedient andwise. “Though it may be true that his relationto the negro in political matters may have made himmore violent in his dissents, any one who will lookfairly at the question must conclude that his doctrinewas legally correct. And as time passes, and asboth classes become better educated and broader intheir views, it may be said that the tendency of thecourt is likely to be to interpret the laws largelyas he thought they should have been interpreted, thatis, as historically they were meant.”

C. B. WALTER.

Reconstruction in Georgia, Economic, Social, Political,1865—­1872. By C. Mildred Thompson,Ph.D. Longmans, Green, and Company, New York,1915. Pp. 418.

The appearance of C. M. Thompson’s Reconstructionin Georgia arouses further interest in the study ofthat period which has been attracting the attentionof various investigators in the leading universitiesof the United States. These writers fall intodifferent groups. Coming to the defense of asection shamed with crime, some have endeavored tojustify the deeds of those who resorted to all sortsof schemes to rid the country of the “extravagantand corrupt Reconstruction governments.”Lately, however, the tendency has been to get awayfrom this position. Yet among these writers westill find varying types, many of whom have for severalreasons failed to write real history. Some havenot forsaken the controversial group, not a few havetried to explain away the truth, and others going tothe past with their minds preoccupied have selectedonly those facts which support their contentions.

What has this author in question done? In thisreadable and interesting work the writer has shownconsiderable improvement upon historical writing inthis field. She has endeavored to deal not onlywith the political but also with the economic andsocial phases of the history of this period. Onegets a glance at the State before the war, the transitionfrom slavery to freedom, the problems of labor andtenancy, the commercial revival, the social readjustment,political reorganization, military rule, State economy,reorganized Reconstruction, agriculture, education,the administration of justice, the Ku Klux disorder,and the restoration of home rule.

This research leads the author to conclude that theseven years of the history of the State from 1865to 1872 marked only the beginning of the social andeconomic transformation that has taken place sincethe war. This upheaval broke up the large plantationsystem, removed from power the “slave oligarchy,”and exalted the yeomanry of moderate means, the uplandersnow in control in the South. When the Democraticrule replaced Republicanism “one set of abnormalinfluences were put at rest,” economic and socialproblems becoming the all-engrossing topics, and politicsa diversion rather than a matter of self-preservation.The race problem then aroused began in another age,and not being settled, has been bequeathed to a latergeneration. Emancipation itself would have arousedracial antagonism but Republican Reconstruction increasedit a hundred fold. This was the most enduringcontribution of Congressional interference.

Politically Reconstruction in Georgia was a failure.The greatest political achievement of the period wasthe enfranchisement of the Negro, but this was soonundone, the Southern white man having no freedom ofchoice—­“he had to be a democrat,whether or no.” Although establishing theNegro in freedom the government failed to establishhim in political and social equality with the whites.“But still,” says the author, “therace problem and the cry of Negro! Negro! theslogan of political demagogues who magnify and distorta very real difficulty in playing upon the passionsof the less educated whites—­rise to curtailfreedom of thought and act.”

Out of this mass of material examined one would expecta more unbiased treatment. The work suffers fromsome of the defects of most Reconstruction writers,although the author has endeavored to write with restraintand care. One man is made almost a hero whileanother is found wanting. The white Southernercould not but be a Democrat but no excuse is made forthe Negro who had no alternative but to ally himselfwith those who claimed to represent his emancipator.The State was at one time bordering on economic ruinbecause the Negroes became migratory and would notcomply with their labor contracts. Little issaid, however, about the evils arising from the attitudeof Southern white men who have never liked to workand that of those who during this period, accordingto the author, formed roving bands for plunderingand stealing. But we are too close to the historyof Reconstruction to expect better treatment.We are just now reaching the period when we can tellthe truth about the American Revolution. We mustyet wait a century before we shall find ourselves farenough removed from the misfortunes and crimes ofReconstruction to set forth in an unbiased way theactual deeds of those who figured conspicuously inthat awful drama.

NOTES

“That the idea of a ‘Secretary of Peace’for the United States is no new thing was broughtout in the course of a paper by P. Lee Phillips, readby President Allen C. Clark before the Columbia HistoricalSociety, which met at the Shoreham Hotel last night.

“In the course of the paper, entitled ’TheNegro, Benjamin Banneker, Astronomer and Mathematician,’it was brought out that Banneker, who was a free Negro,friend of Washington and Jefferson, published a seriesof almanacs, unique in that they were his own workthroughout. In the almanac for 1793 one of thearticles from Banneker’s pen was ’A Planof Peace Office for the United States,’ forpromoting and preserving perpetual peace. Thisarticle was concise and well written, and containsmost of the ideas set forth today by advocates ofpeace. Banneker took a ‘crack’ atEuropean military ideas, and advocated the abolishmentin the United States of military dress and titlesand all militia laws. He laid down laws for theconstruction of a great temple of peace in which hymnswere to be sung each day.

“Mr. Phillips’s paper brought out thatBanneker helped in one of the early surveys of theDistrict of Columbia.”—­WashingtonStar.

This dissertation will be brought out in the AnnualPublication of the Columbia Historical Society.

Professor Alain Leroy Locke, of Howard University,has published an interesting prospectus of his lectureson the race problem.

Professor A. E. Jenks, of the University of Minnesota,has contributed to the American Journal of Sociologyan elaborate paper on the legal status of the miscegenationof the white and black races in the various commonwealths.

Miss L. E. Wilkes, of the Washington Public Schools,has been lecturing on “Missing Pages of AmericanHistory." This is a summary of her work treatingthe Negro soldier from the Colonial Period throughthe War of 1812. The treatise will be publishedin the near future.

In the Church Missionary Review has appeared “ASurvey of Islam in Africa," by G. T. Manley.

An article entitled “The Bantu Coast Tribesof East Africa Protectorate," by A. Werner, hasbeen published in the Journal of the RoyalAnthropological Institute. In the same Journalhas appeared also “The Organization and Lawsof Some Bantu Tribes in East Africa."

Ashanti Proverbs, translated by R. SutherlandRattray, with a preface by Sir Hugh Clifford, hasbeen published by Milford in London.

A. Werner has published in London “The LanguageFamilies of Africa," a concise and valuable textbookof the classification, philology, and grammar of thelanguages.

The German African Empire, by A. F. Calvert,has appeared over the imprint of Werner Laurie.

The History of South Africa from 1795 to 1872,by G. McCall Theal, has been published in London byAllen and Unwin. This is a fourth and revisededition of a work to be completed in five volumes.

"The Tropics," by C. R. Enock, has been broughtout by Grant Richards. This is a descriptionof all tropical countries. It contains some valuableinformation but is chiefly concerned with advancingthe theory that it is essential to study the capabilitiesof a country so as to develop all of its industries.The contention of the author is that the economicindependence of each country is its safeguard fromwar and that commercialism is ruin.

The Methodist Book Concern has announced "Pioneeringon the Congo," by John Springer.

Hodder and Stoughton have published "Mary Slessorof Calabar: Pioneer Missionary." This isan account of a factory girl who distinguished herselfas a missionary and was later appointed head of a nativecourt.

French Memories of Eighteenth Century America,by Charles H. Sherrill, has been published by Scribners.He failed to take into account the many referencesof French travelers to the Negroes and slavery.

In the second number of Smith College Studies inHistory appears Laura J. Webster’s Operationsof the Freedmen’s Bureau in South Carolina.

About the middle of July the Neale Publishing Companywill bring out The New Negro, His Political, Civiland Mental Status, by Dean William Pickens, ofMorgan College.

Professor Sherwood, of La Crosse, Wisconsin, has forsome time been making researches into Paul Cuffee.

AN INTERESTING COMMENT

Dear Sir:

It was very good of you to mail me a copy of the Journalof Negro History. I had seen a copy of this publication,I believe, at the library of the Institute of Jamaica.The second number is certainly an impressive issueindicative of the changed point of view. The so-calledliterature on slavery and the negro is, in the main,rather a hindrance than a help. The expressionof mere personal opinion is of exceedingly slight valuein the furtherance of any good cause. What theworld needs is not mere knowledge but a better understandingof the facts and experience already available.When a race has reached a point where it realizes itsown place in history, and the value of a criticalanalysis of its historical experience, a measurableadvance has been made towards the attainment of a genuineprogress. All values are relative. True historyconcerns itself with any and all achievements andnot merely with political changes or military events.Most of the so-called historical disquisitions deliveredannually before the American Historical Associationfall seriously short in this respect. Ever sinceGreen wrote his first real history of the Englishpeople the old-time historian has lost caste amongmen who are seriously concerned with the urgent solutionof present-day problems. Unquestionably, a truepolitical history is of real value, but the socialhistory of mankind is infinitely more important.

The Journal of Negro History seems to meet the foregoingrequirements for a social history of the negro racerather than a mere increase in the already voluminousso-called history of the political aspects of slaveryreconstruction or reorganization during recent times.The article on the negro soldier in the American revolutionis excellent. The prerequisite for a genuinerace progress is race pride. For this reason thepast achievements of the negro in this or any othercountry, individually or collectively, are of theutmost teaching value. It is a far cry, apparently,from the very recent high and well deserved promotionof a negro to a commanding position in the army, backto the days of the service rendered by negro soldiersin the Revolution, but in its final analysis it isall a chain of connected events. Where so muchhas been done and is being achieved the outlook forthe future must needs be encouraging. Progressis only made by struggling, and the best results arethose achieved against apparently insuperable difficulties.Race progress and race pride are practically equivalentterms. Individuals and races fail in proportionas they permit discouraging circumstances or conditionsto control their destinies. A true philosophyof history never fails to bring home the convictionthat lasting success is attained only through the agesby persistent effort in the right direction. Thenegro race has reason to be proud of its achievements,but I am sure that the future progress will rest largelyupon a better understanding of the negro’s place

in history. Just as in the case of individuals,so in the case of races, it is, first and last, aquestion of finding our place in the world. Variationin type is absolutely essential to the highest developmentof the human species. It is not, therefore, theduty of any one race to follow blindly in the footstepsof another. It is for each race to seek for thebest traits peculiarly its own, and to leave absolutelynothing undone, in season and out, to develop thoseparticular traits to the highest possible degree.In other words, it is not for the negro to try tobe as near as he can to a white man, even in his innermostthoughts and aspirations, but to interpret the lessonsof his own life through the philosophy of negro historyand to be true to the moral and spiritual ideals ofhis race and his ancestors, be they what they may.

Very truly yours,

F. L. HOFFMAN,
Statistician.

* * * * *

THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY

VOL. I—­JUNE, 1916—­No. 3

PUBLISHED QUARTERLY

CONTENTS

C. E. PIERRE: The Work of the Society for thePropagation of the Gospel in
Foreign Parts among the Negroesin the Colonies

ALICE DUNBAR-NELSON: People of Color in Louisiana,Part I

WILLIAM T. McKINNEY: The Defeat of the Secessionistsin Kentucky in 1861

J. KUNST:
Notes on Negroes in Guatemala During theSeventeenth Century;
A Mulatto Corsair of the Sixteenth Century

DOCUMENTS:
TRAVELERS’ IMPRESSIONS OF SLAVERYIN AMERICA FROM 1750 TO 1800:
Burnaby’s View of theSituation in Virginia;
General Treatment of SlavesAmong the Albanians—­Consequent Attachment
of Domestics.—­Reflectionson Servitude by an American Lady;
Impressions of an EnglishTraveler;
Abbe Robin on Conditions inVirginia;
Observations of St. John DeCrevecoeur;
Impressions of Johann D. Schoepf;
Extracts from Anburey’sTravels Through North America;
Vindication of the Negroes:A Controversy;
Sur L’etat General,Le Genre D’industrie, Les Moeurs, Le Caractere,
Etc.Des Noirs, Dans Les Etats-unis;
Slavery as Seen by Henry Wansey;
Esclavage Par La Rochefoucauld-liancourt;
Observations Sur L’esclavagePar La Rochefoucauld-liancourt;
What Isaac Weld Observed inSlave States;
John Davis’s Thoughtson Slavery;
Observations of Robert Sutcliff;
SOME LETTERS OF RICHARD ALLEN AND ABSALOMJONES TO DOROTHY RIPLEY:
Letter from an African Minister,Resident in Philadelphia Addressed
to Dorothy Ripley.
Letter from an African, residentin Philadelphia, to Dorothy Ripley

REVIEWS OF BOOKS:
CLAYTON’S TheAftermath of the Civil War, in Arkansas;
EVANS’S Blackand White in the Southern States;
SAYERS’S SamuelColeridge-Taylor—­Musician. His Lifeand Letters;
BAILEY’S RaceOrthodoxy in the South and Other Aspects of the Negro
Problem;

NOTES

THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY

VOL. I—­OCTOBER, 1916—­No. 4

THE WORK OF THE SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL IN FOREIGN PARTSAMONG THE NEGROES IN THE COLONIES

The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in ForeignParts was organized in London in the year 1701.During the eighteenth century the British Coloniesof the New World constituted the principal field ofmissionary endeavor for this organization. Therewere then in North America 250,000 settlers, wholecolonies of whom were living in heathenism while otherswere adhering to almost every variety of strange faiths.The work of proselyting these people was too importantto be intrusted to individual enterprise and too extensiveto be successfully prosecuted by the heads of theChurch only. The ministrations of the EstablishedChurch were then limited to a few places in Virginia,New York, Maryland and the cities of Boston and Philadelphia.To supply this deficiency the Society endeavored touse missionaries as a direct means to convert the heathenof all races, whether Europeans, Indians or Negroes.There were cruel masters who objected to the conversionof their slaves,[1] but that any race should be deniedthe message of salvation because of its color was everrepudiated by the Society. From the very beginningof this work the conversion of the Negroes was asimportant to the Society as that of bringing the whitesor the Indians into the church. Such dignitariesof the church, as Rev. Thomas Bacon and Bishops Fleetwood,Lowth, Sanderson and Wilson, ever urged this dutyupon their brethren at home and abroad.[2]

The first really effective work of the Society wasdone in South Carolina. Reverend Mr. Thomas ofGoose Creek Parish in that State early instructedthe Indian and Negro slaves of his vicinity. Hedirected his attention to the Negroes in 1695 andten years later counted among his communicants twentyblacks, who with several others “well understandingthe English tongue,” could read and write.He further said, in 1705: “I have herepresumed to give an account of one thousand slavesso far as they know of it and are desirous of Christianknowledge and seem willing to prepare themselves forit, in learning to read, for which they redeem thetime from their labor. Many of them can readthe Bible distinctly and great numbers of them werelearning when I left the province."[3]

This work, however, had not proceeded without muchopposition. The sentiment as to the enlightenmentof the blacks was largely that of the youth who resolvednever to go to the holy table while slaves were receivedthere. Others felt like the lady who inquired:“Is it possible that any of my slaves shouldgo to heaven, and must I see them there?"[4] The earnestworkers sent out by the Society, however, did not cease

to labor in behalf of the Negroes and the number ofmasters willing to have their slaves instructed graduallyincreased. Among these liberal owners were JohnMorris, of St. Bartholomew’s, Lady Moore, CaptainDavid Davis, Mrs. Sarah Baker at Goose Creek, LandgraveJoseph Morton and his wife of St. Paul’s, theGovernor and a member of the Assembly, Mr. and Mrs.Skeen,[5] Mrs. Haigue and Mrs. Edwards. So successfulwere the efforts of Mrs. Haigue and Mrs. Edwards thatthey were formally thanked by the Society for theircare and good example in instructing the Negroes ofwhom no less than twenty-seven prepared by them, includingthose of another planter, were baptized by the ReverendE. Taylor of St. Andrew’s within two years.[6]

Other less liberal masters refused to allow theirslaves to attend Mr. Taylor for instruction, but someof them were induced to teach the blacks the Lord’sPrayer. The result even from this was so successfulthat there came to the church more Negroes than couldbe accommodated. So great was their desire forinstruction that had it not been for the oppositionof their owners, almost all of them would have beenconverted. “So far as the missionarieswere permitted,” says one, “they did allthat was possible for their evangelization, and whileso many professed Christians among the planters werelukewarm, it pleased God to raise to himself devoutservants among the heathen, whose faithfulness wascommended by the masters themselves. In someof the congregations the Negroes or blacks constitutedone half of the communicants."[7]

This interest of the clergy in the Negroes of SouthCarolina continued in spite of opposition. Rev.Mr. Guy, of St. Andrew’s Parish, said that hebaptized “a Negro man and a Negro woman”in 1723, and Rev. Mr. Hunt, minister of St. John’sParish, reported in that same year that “a slave,a sensible Negro, who can read and write and comesto church, is a Catechumen under probation for Baptismwhich he desires."[8] A new impetus too was giventhe movement about 1740. Influenced by such urgentaddresses as those of Dr. Brearcroft, and BishopsGibson, Wilson and Seeker, the workers of the Societywere aroused to proselyting more extensively amongthe Negroes. In 1741 the Bishop of Canterburyexpressed his gratification at the large number ofNegroes who were then being brought into the church.[9]

A decided step forward was noted in 1743. Thatyear a school for Negroes was opened by CommissaryGarden and placed in charge of Harry and Andrew, twocolored youths, who had been trained as teachers atthe cost of the Society. This establishment wasa sort of training school for bright young blackswho felt called to instruct their fellow countrymen.For adults who labored during the day it was an eveningschool. It was successfully conducted for morethan twenty years. In 1763 the institution wasfor some unknown reason closed after being conductedin the face of many difficulties and obstructions,although this was the only educational institutionin that colony for its 50,000 blacks.[10]

Some good results were obtained by the missionariesof the Society of North Carolina, but difficultieswere also encountered there. The chief troubleseems to have been that missionaries of that colonywere “frustrated by the slave owners who wouldby no means permit” their Negroes to be baptized,“having a false notion that a christened slaveis by law free."[11] “By much importunity,”says an investigator, Mr. Ransford of Chowan (in 1712)prevailed on Mr. Martin to let him baptize three ofhis Negroes, two women and a boy. “Allthe arguments I could make use of,” said he,“would scarce effect it till Bishop Fleetwood’ssermon (in 1711) ... turned ye scale."[12] Mr. Rumfordsucceeded, however, in baptizing upwards of fortyNegroes in one year. In the course of time, whenthe workers overcame the prejudice of the masters,a missionary would sometimes baptize fifteen to twenty-fourin a month, forty to fifty in six months, and sixtyto seventy in a year.[13] Reverend Mr. Newman, a ministerin North Carolina, reported in 1723 that he had baptizedtwo Negroes who could say the Creed, the Lord’sPrayer, the Ten Commandments, and gave good suretiesfor their further information.[14] According to thereport of Rev. C. Hall, the number of conversionsthere among Negroes for eight years was 355, including112 adults, and “at Edenton the blacks generallywere induced to attend service at all these stations,where they behaved with great decorum."[15]

In the Middle and Southern Colonies these missionarieshad the cooperation of Dr. Thomas Bray. In 1696he was sent to Maryland by the Bishop of London todo what he could toward the conversion of adult Negroesand the education of their children.[16] Bray’smost influential supporter was M. D’Alone, theprivate secretary of King William. D’Alonegave for the maintenance of the cause a fund, theproceeds of which were first used to employ catechists,and later to support the Thomas Bray Mission afterthe catechists had failed to give satisfaction.At the death of this missionary the task was takenup by certain of his followers known as the “Associatesof Dr. Bray."[17] They extended their work beyond thebounds of Maryland. These benefactors maintainedtwo schools for the benefit of Negroes in Philadelphia.About the close of the French and Indian War, Rev.Mr. Stewart, a missionary in North Carolina, foundthere a school for the education of Indians and Negroesconducted by “Dr. Bray’s Associates."[18]

Georgia too was not neglected. The extensionof the work of Dr. Bray’s associates into thecolony made an opening there for taking up the instructionof Negroes. The Society joined with these workersfor supporting a schoolmaster for Negroes in 1751and an improvement in the slaves was soon admittedby their owners.[19] In 1766 Rev. S. Frink, a missionarytoiling in Augusta, found that he could neither convertthe Indians nor the whites, who seemed to be as destituteof religion as the former, but succeeded in convertingsome Negroes.[20]

In Pennsylvania the missionary movement found lessobstacles to the conversion of Negroes than to thatof the Indians. In fact, the proselyting of Negroesin the colony was less difficult than in some otherparts of America. The reports of the missionariesshow that slaves were being baptized there as earlyas 1712.[21] About this time a Mr. Yeates, of Chester,was commended by the Rev. G. Ross “for his endeavorsto train up the Negroes in the knowledge of religion."[22]Moved by the appeal of the Bishop of London, othermasters permitted the indoctrination of their slavesin the principles of Christianity. At Philadelphiathe Rev. G. Ross baptized on one occasion 12 adultNegroes, “who were examined before the congregationand answered to the admiration of all who heard them....The like sight had never been seen before in thatchurch."[23] Rev. Mr. Beckett, minister in SussexCounty, Pennsylvania, said in 1723 that he had admittedtwo Negro slaves and that many Negroes constantly attendedhis services.[24] The same year Rev. Mr. Bartow baptizeda Negro at West Chester.[25] Rev. Mr. Pugh, a missionaryat Appoquinimmick, Pennsylvania, said, in a letterwritten to the Society in 1737, that he had receiveda few blacks and that the masters of the Negroes wereprejudiced against their being Christians.[26] Rev.Richard Locke christened eight Negroes in one familyat Lancaster in 1747 and another Negro there the followingyear.[26a] In 1774 the Rev. Mr. Jenney reported thatthere was “a great and daily increase of Negroesin this city who would with joy attend upon a catechistfor instruction”; that he had baptized several,but was unable to add to his other duties; and theSociety, ever ready to lend a helping hand to suchpious undertakings, appointed the Rev. W. Sturgeonas catechist for the Negroes at Philadelphia.[27]The next to show diligence in the branch of the workof the Society was Mr. Neill of Dover. He baptizedas many as 162 within 18 months.[28]

The operations of the Society did not seem to covera large part of New Jersey. The Rev. Mr. Lindsaywrote of the baptizing of a Negro at Allerton in 1736.[29]The reports from the missions of New Brunswick showthat a large number of Negroes had attached themselvesto the church. This condition, however, did notobtain in all parts of that colony. Yet subsequentreports show that the missionary spirit was not wantingin that section. The baptism of black childrenand the accession of Negro adults to the church werefrom time to time reported from that field.[30]

The most effective work of the Society among Negroesof the Northern colonies was accomplished in New York.In that colony, the instruction of the Negro and Indianslaves to prepare them for conversion, baptism, andcommunion was a primary charge oft repeated to everymissionary and schoolmaster of the Society. Inaddition to the general efforts put forth in the colonies,there was in New York a special provision for the

employment of sixteen clergymen and thirteen lay teachersmainly for the evangelization of the slaves and thefree Indians. For the Negro slaves a catechizingschool was opened in New York City in 1704 under thecharge of Elias Neau. This benevolent man, afterseveral years’ imprisonment because of his Protestantfaith, had come to New York to try his fortunes asa trader. As early as 1703 he called the attentionof the Society to the great number of slaves in NewYork “who were without God in the world, andof whose souls there was no manner of care taken"[31]and proposed the appointment of a catechist to undertaketheir instruction. He himself finally being prevailedupon to accept this position, obtained a license fromthe Governor, resigned his position as elder in theFrench church and conformed to the Established Churchof England, “not upon any worldly account butthrough a principle of conscience and hearty approbationof the English liturgy."[32] He was later licensedby the Bishop of London.

Neau’s task was not an easy one. At firsthe went from house to house, but afterwards arrangedfor some of the slaves to attend him. He succeeded,however, in obtaining gratifying results. He wascommended to the Society by Rev. Mr. Vesey in 1706as a “constant communicant of our church, anda most zealous and prudent servant of Christ, in proselytingthe miserable Negroes and Indians among them to theChristian Religion, whereby he does great serviceto God and his church."[33] Further confidence in himwas attested by an act of the Society in preparingat his request “a Bill to be offered to Parliamentfor the more effectual Conversion of the Negro andother Servants in the Plantations, to compell Ownersof Slaves to cause children to be baptized within3 months after their birth and to permit them whencome to years of discretion to be instructed in theChristian Religion on our Lord’s day by the Missionariesunder whose ministry they live."[34]

Neau’s school suffered greatly in 1712 becauseof the prejudice engendered by the declaration thatinstruction was the main cause of the Negro riot inthat city. For some days Neau dared not show himself,so bitter was the feeling of the masters. Uponbeing assured, however, that only one Negro connectedwith the school had participated in the affair andthat the most criminal belonged to the masters whowere openly opposed to educating them, the institutionwas permitted to continue its endeavors, and the Governorextended to it his protection and recommended thatmasters have their slaves instructed.[35] Yet Neauhad still to complain thereafter of the struggle andopposition of the generality of the inhabitants, whowere strongly prejudiced with a horrid motive thinkingthat Christian knowledge “would be a means tomake the slave more cunning and apter to wickedness."[36]Not so long thereafter, however, the support of thebest people and officials of the community made his

task easier. Neau could say in 1714 that “ifthe slaves and domestics in New York were not instructedit was not his fault."[37] The Governor, the Council,Mayor, the Recorder and the Chief Justice informedthe Society that Neau had performed his work “tothe great advancement of religion in general and theparticular benefit of the free Indians, Negro slaves,and other Heathens in those parts, with indefatigablezeal and application."[38]

Neau died in 1722. His work was carried on byMr. Huddlestone, Rev. Mr. Whitmore, Rev. Mr. Colgan,Rev. R. Charlton, and Rev. S. Auchmutty. From1732 to 1740 Mr. Charlton baptized 219 slaves and frequentlythereafter the number admitted yearly was from 40to 60.[39] The great care exercised in preparing slavesfor the church was rewarded by the spiritual knowledgewhich in some cases was such as might have put to shamemany persons who had had greater advantages.Rev. Mr. Auchmutty, who served from 1747 to 1764,reported that there was among the Negroes an ever-increasingdesire for instruction and “not one single Black”that had been “admitted by him to the Holy Communion”had “turned out bad or been in any shape a disgraceto our holy Profession."[40]

The interest in the enlightenment of Negroes too extendedalso to other parts of the colony. In 1737 Rev.Mr. Stoupe wrote of baptizing four black childrenat New Rochelle.[41] Mr. Charlton had taken upon himselfat New Windsor the task of instructing these unfortunatesbefore he entered upon the work in New York City.At Staten Island too he found it both practical andconvenient “to throw into one the classes ofhis white and black catechumens."[42] Rev. CharlesTaylor, a schoolmaster at that place, kept a nightschool “for the instruction of Negroes, and ofsuch as” could not “be spared from theirwork in the day time."[43] Rev. J. Sayre, of Newburgh,followed the same plan of coeducation of the racesin each of the four churches under his charge.[44]Rev. T. Barclay, an earnest worker among the slavesin Albany, reported in 1714 “a great forwardness”among them to embrace Christianity “and a readinessto receive instruction."[45] He found much oppositionamong certain masters, chief among whom were MajorM. Schuyler and his brother-in-law Petrus Vandroffen.Sixty years later came the report from Schenectadythat there were still to be found several Negro slavesof whom 11 were sober, serious communicants.[46]

These missionaries met with more opposition than encouragementin New England. The Puritan had no serious objectionto seeing the Negroes saved, but when the conversionmeant the incorporation of the undesirable class intothe state, then so closely connected with the church,many New Englanders became silent. This opposition,however, was not effective everywhere. From Bristol,Rev. J. Usher wrote in 1730 that several Negroes desiredbaptism and were able “to render a very goodaccount of the hope that was in them,” but he

was forbidden by their masters to comply with therequest. Yet he reported the same year that amongothers he had in his congregation “about 30Negroes and Indians,” most of whom joined “inthe public service very decently."[47] At Newtown,where greater opposition was encountered, Rev. J.Beach seemed to have baptized by 1733 many Indiansand a few Negroes.[48] The Rev. Dr. Cutler, a missionaryat Boston, wrote to the Society in 1737 that amongthose he had admitted to his church were four Negroslaves.[49] Endeavoring to do more than to effectnominal conversions, Doctor Johnson, while at Stratford,had catechetical lectures during the summer monthsof 1751, attended by many Negroes and some Indians,as well as whites, “about 70 or 80 in all.”And said he: “As far as I can find, wherethe Dissenters have baptized 2, if not 3 or 4 Negroesor Indians, I have four or five communicants."[50]Dr. Macsparran conducted at Narragansett a class of70 Indians and Negroes whom he frequently catechizedand instructed before the regular service.[51] Rev.J. Honyman, of Newport, had in his congregation morethan 100 Negroes who “constantly attended thePublick Worship."[52]

It appears then that the Negroes were instructed bythe missionaries in all of the colonies except someremote parts of New England, Virginia and Maryland.The Established Church had workers among the whitepersons in those colonies but they did not alwaysdirect their attention to the slaves. This doesnot mean, however, that the slaves in those parts wereentirely neglected. There were at work other agenciesto bring them to the light. And so on it continueduntil the outbreak of the Revolution, when the workof these missionaries was impeded and in most casesbrought to a close.

C. E. PIERRE

FOOTNOTES:

[1] “An Account of the Endeavor Used by theS.P.G.,” pp. 6-12; Meade, “Sermons ofRev. Thomas Bacon,” pp. 31 et seq.

[2] Special Report of U. S. Commission of Ed., 1871,pp. 300 et seq.

[3] Journal, Vol. I, May 30, July 18,and Aug. 15, 1707; Special Report of the U. S. Com.of Ed., 1871, p. 363.

[4] Pascoe, “Classified Digest of the Recordsof the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel inForeign Parts,” p. 15.

[5] Ibid., 15.

[6] In 1713 this churchman wrote his supporters:

“As I am a minister of Christand of the Church of England, and a Missionaryof the most Christian Society in the whole world, Ithink it my indispensable and special duty todo all that in me lies to promote the conversionand salvation of the poor heathens here, and moreespecially of the Negro and Indian slaves in my ownparish, which I hope I can truly say I have beensincerely and earnestly endeavoring ever sinceI was a minister here where there are many Negroand Indian slaves in a most pitifull deplorable andperishing condition tho’ little pitiedby many of their masters and their conversionand salvation little desired and endeavored by them.If the masters were but good Christians themselvesand would but concurre with the ministers, weshould then have good hopes of the conversionand salvation at least of some of their Negro and Indianslaves. But too many of them rather opposethan concurr with us and are angry with us, Iam sure I may say with me for endeavouring as muchas I doe the conversion of their slaves.... Icannot but honour Madame Haigue.... In myparish a very considerable number of Negroes ...were very loose and wicked and little inclined to Christianitybefore her coming among them I can’t buthonor her so much ... as to acquaint the Societywith the extraordinary pains this gentle woman andone Madm. Edwards, that came with her, have takento instruct those negroes in the principles ofthe Christian Religion and to instruct and reformthem; And the wonderful successe they have met with,in about a half a year’s time in this great andgood work. Upon these gentle women’sdesiring me to come and examine these negroes ...I went and among other things I asked them, Who Christwas. They readily answered. He is theSon of God and Saviour of the world and toldme that they embraced Him with all their hearts assuch, and I desired them to rehearse the Apostles’Creed, and the Ten Commandments and the Lord’sPrayer, which they did very distinctly and perfectly.14 of them gave me so great satisfaction, and wereso very desirous to be baptized, that I thoughtit my duty to baptize them and therefore I baptizedthese 14 last Lord’s Day. And I doubt notbut these gentlewomen will prepare the rest of themfor Baptism in a short Time.” Journal,Vol. II, Oct. 6, 1713; A. Mss., Vol. VIII,pp. 356-7; Pascoe, “Digest of Records of S.P.G.,”p. 15.

[7] Journal, II, 328; XIV, 48; XX, 132-133;XVI, 165-166.

[8] Proceedings of the S.P.G., 1723, p. 46.

[9] Pascoe, “Digest of the Records of the S.P.G.,”16.

[10] Meriwether, “Education in South Carolina,”p. 123; McCrady, “South Carolina,” etc.,p. 246; Dalcho, “An Historical Account of theProtestant Episcopal Church in South Carolina,”pp. 156, 157, 164.

[11] Pascoe, “Digest of the Records of the S.P.G.,”p. 22.

[12] Ibid., 22.

[13] Ibid., 23.

[14] Proceedings of the S.P.G., 1723, p. 47.

[15] Pascoe, “Digest of the Records of the S.P.G.,”p. 22.

[16] Smyth, “Works of Franklin,” V, 431.

[17] Wickersham, “History of Education in Pennsylvania,”p. 249.

[18] Bassett, “Slavery and Servitude in NorthCarolina,” p. 226.

[19] Journal, Vol. XI, pp. 305 and 311.

[20] Pascoe, “Digest of the Records of the S.P.G.,”p. 28.

[21] Journal, Vol. XVII, p. 97.

[22] Ibid., II, 251.

[23] Journal, IX, 87.

[24] Proceedings of the S.P.G., 1723, p. 47.

[25] Ibid., 1737, 50.

[26] Ibid., 1737, p. 41.

[26a] Pennsylvania Magazine of History, XXIV, 467,469.

[27] Pascoe, “Digest of the Records of the S.P.G.,”p. 38.

[28] Ibid., 39.

[29] Proceedings of the S.P.G., 1736.

[30] Pascoe, “Digest of the Records of the S.P.G.,”55.

[31] Ibid., 56.

[32] Ibid., 57, and “Special Report of U.S.Com. of Ed.,” 1871, 362; and “An Accountof the Endeavors Used by the S.P.G.,” pp. 6-12.

[33] Pascoe, “Digest of the Records of the S.P.G.,”p. 58.

[34] Ibid., Journal, I, Oct. 20, 1710.

[35] “Special Report of U.S. Com. of Ed.,”1871, p. 362.

[36] Pascoe, “Digest, etc.,” p. 59.

[37] Journal, III, Oct. 15, 1714.

[38] Humphreys, “Historical Account of the S.P.G.,”243.

[39] Pascoe, “Digest, etc.,” p. 65.

[40] Ibid., 66.

[41] Proceedings of the S.P.G., 1737.

[42] Pascoe, “Digest, etc.,” p. 68.

[43] Proceedings of the S.P.G., 1723, p. 50.

[44] Journal, XIX, 452-453.

[45] Ibid., January 21, 1715.

[46] Pascoe, “Digest of the Records of the S.P.G.,”p. 67.

[47] Ibid., 46.

[48] Ibid., 47.

[49] Proceedings of the S.P.G., 1737 and 1738,p. 39.

[50] Ibid., p. 40.

[51] Proceedings of the S.P.G., 1723, 51.

[52] Ibid., 1723, p. 52.

PEOPLE OF COLOR IN LOUISIANA

PART I

The title of a possible discussion of the Negro inLouisiana presents difficulties, for there is no suchword as Negro permissible in speaking of this State.The history of the State is filled with attempts todefine, sometimes at the point of the sword, oftenestin civil or criminal courts, the meaning of the wordNegro. By common consent, it came to mean inLouisiana, prior to 1865, slave, and after the war,those whose complexions were noticeably dark.As Grace King so delightfully puts it, “Thepure-blooded African was never called colored, butalways Negro.” The gens de couleur,colored people, were always a class apart, separatedfrom and superior to the Negroes, ennobled were itonly by one drop of white blood in their veins.The caste seems to have existed from the first introductionof slaves. To the whites, all Africans who werenot of pure blood were gens de couleur.Among themselves, however, there were jealous andfiercely-guarded distinctions: “griffes,briques, mulattoes, quadroons, octoroons, each termmeaning one degree’s further transfigurationtoward the Caucasian standard of physical perfection."[1]

Negro slavery in Louisiana seems to have been earlyinfluenced by the policy of the Spanish colonies.De las Casas, an apostle to the Indians, exclaimedagainst the slavery of the Indians and finding hisefforts of no avail proposed to Charles V in 1517the slavery of the Africans as a substitute.[2] TheSpaniards refused at first to import slaves from Africa,but later agreed to the proposition and employed othernations to traffic in them.[3] Louisiana learned fromthe Spanish colonies her lessons of this traffic,took over certain parts of the slave regulations andimported bondmen from the Spanish West Indies.Others brought thither were Congo, Banbara, Yaloff,and Mandingo slaves.[4]

People of color were introduced into Louisiana earlyin the eighteenth century. In 1708, accordingto the historian, Gayarre, the little colony of Louisiana,at the point on the Gulf of Mexico now known as Biloxi,in the present State of Mississippi, had been in existencenine years. In 1708, the population of the colonydid not exceed 279 persons. The land about thisregion is particularly sterile, and the colonists werelittle disposed to undertake the laborious task oftilling the soil. Indian slavery was attemptedbut found unprofitable and exceedingly precarious.So Bienville, lacking the sympathy of De las Casasfor the Indians, wrote his government to obtain theauthorization of exchanging Negroes for Indians withthe French West Indian islands. “We shallgive,” he said, “three Indians for twoNegroes. The Indians, when in the islands, willnot be able to run away, the country being unknownto them, and the Negroes will not dare to become fugitivesin Louisiana, because the Indians would kill them."[5]

Bienville’s suggestion seems not to have metwith a very favorable reception. Yet, in 1712,the King of France granted to Anthony Crozat the exclusiveprivilege for fifteen years of trading in all thatimmense territory which, with its undefined limits,France claimed as Louisiana. Among other privilegesgranted Crozat were those of sending, once a year,a ship to Africa for Negroes.[6] When the first came,is not known, but in 1713 twenty of these Negro slavesfrom Africa are recorded in the census of the littlecolony on the Mississippi.[7]

In 1717 John Law flashed meteor-wise across the worldwith his huge scheme to finance France out of difficultywith his Mississippi Bubble. Among other considerationsmentioned in the charter for twenty-five years, whichhe obtained from the gullible French government, wasthe stipulation that before the expiration of thecharter, he must transport to Louisiana six thousandwhite persons, and three thousand Negroes, not to bebrought from another French colony. These slaves,so said the charter, were to be sold to those inhabitantswho had been two years in the colony for one half cashand the balance on one year’s credit. Thenew inhabitants had one or two years’ credit

granted them.[8] In the first year, the Law Companytransported from Africa one thousand slaves, in 1720five hundred, the same number the next March, andby 1721 the pages of legal enactments in the WestIndies were being ransacked for precedents in dealingwith this strange population. But of all theseslaves who came to the colony by June, 1721, but sixhundred remained. Many had died, some had beenexported. In 1722, therefore, the MississippiCompany was under constraint to pass an edict prohibitingthe inhabitants of Louisiana from selling their slavesfor transportation out of the colony, to the Spaniards,or to any other foreign nation under the penalty ofthe fine of a thousand livres and the confiscationof the Negroes.[9]

But already the curse of slavery had begun to showits effects. The new colony was not immoral;it may best be described as unmoral. Indolenceon the part of the masters was physical, mental andmoral. The slave population began to lightenin color, and increase out of all proportion to theimportation and natural breeding among themselves.La Harpe comments in 1724 upon the astonishing diminutionof the white population and the astounding increaseof the colored population.[10] Something was undoubtedlywrong, according to the Caucasian standard, and ithas remained wrong to our own day.[11] The personof color was now, in Louisiana, a part of its socialsystem, a creature to be legislated for and against,a person lending his dark shade to temper the inartisticcomplexion of his white master. Now he beganto make history, and just as the trail of his colorpersisted in the complexion of Louisiana, so the trailof his personal influence continued in the historyof the colony, the territory and the State.

Bienville, the man of far-reaching vision, saw thedanger menacing the colony, and before his recalland disgrace before the French court, he published,in 1724, the famous Black Code.[12] This code followedthe order of that of the West Indies but containssome provisions to meet local needs. The legalstatus of the slave was that of movable property ofhis master. Children born of Negro parents followedthe condition of their mother. Slaves were forbiddento carry weapons. Slaves of different masterscould not assemble in crowds by day or night.They were not permitted to sell “commodities,provisions, or produce” without permission fromtheir masters, and had no property which did not belongto their masters. Neither free-born blacks norslaves were allowed to receive gifts from whites.They could not exercise such public functions as arbitratoror expert, could not be partners to civil or criminalsuits, could not give testimony except in defaultof white people, and could never testify against theirmasters. If a slave struck his master or one ofthe family so as to produce a bruise or shedding bloodin the face, he had to be put to death. Any runawayslave who continued to be so from the day his master

“denounced” him suffered the penalty ofhaving his ears cut off and being branded on his shoulderwith a fleur-de-lis. For a second offence thepenalty was to hamstring the fugitive and brand himon the other shoulder. For the third such offencehe suffered death. Freed or free-born Negroeswho gave refuge to fugitive slaves had to pay 30 livresfor each day of retention and other free persons 10livres a day. If the freed or free-born Negroeswere not able to pay the fine, they could be reducedto the condition of slaves and sold as such.

The slaves were socially ostracized. Marriageof whites with slaves was forbidden, as was also theconcubinage of whites and manumitted or free-bornblacks with slaves. The consent of the parentsof a slave to his marriage was not required.That of the master was sufficient, but a slave couldnot be forced to marry against his will.

There were, however, somewhat favorable provisionswhich made this code seem a little less rigorous.The slaves had to be well fed and the masters couldnot force them to provide for themselves by workingfor their own account certain days of the week andslaves could give information against their owners,if not properly fed or clothed. Disabled slaveshad to be sent to the hospital. Husbands, wives,and their children under the age of puberty couldnot be seized and sold separately when belonging tothe same master. The code forbade the applicationof the rack to slaves, under any pretext, on privateauthority, or mutilation of a limb, under penalty ofconfiscation of the slave and criminal prosecutionof the master. The master was allowed, however,to have his slave put in irons and whipped with rodsor ropes. The code commanded officers or justicesto prosecute masters and overseers who should killor mutilate slaves, and to punish the murder accordingto the atrocity of the circumstance.

Other provisions were still more favorable. Theslaves had to be instructed in the Catholic religion.Slaves appointed by their masters as tutors to theirchildren were held set free. Moreover, manumittedslaves enjoyed the same rights, privileges and immunitiesthat were enjoyed by those born free. “Itis our pleasure,” reads the document, “thattheir merit in having acquired their freedom shallproduce in their favor, not only with regard to theirpersons, but also to their property, the same effectsthat our other subjects derive from the happy circumstanceof their having been born free."[13]

From the first appearance of the gens de couleurin the colony of Louisiana dates the class, the gensde couleur libres. The record of the legaltangles which resulted from the attempts to definethis race in Louisiana is most interesting. Upto 1671, all Creoles, Mulattoes, free Negroes, etc.,paid a capitation tax. In February 12 of thatyear, M. de Baas, Governor-General of Martinique,issued an order exempting the Creoles. Those

Mulattoes who were also designated as Creoles claimedthe same exemption and resisted paying the tax.M. Patoulet, Intendent, rendered a decision in 1683and said: “The Mulattoes and free Negroesclaimed to be exempt from the capitation tax:I have made them pay without difficulty. I decidethat those Mulattoes born in vice should not receivethe exemption, and that for the free Negro, the mastercould give him freedom but could not give him theexemption that attaches to the whites originally fromFrance."[14] The next year, the Mulattoes refused topay, and the successor of Minister Patoulet, M. MichelBegou, asked for a law to compel them.[15] In 1696,an agreement was reached exempting the Mulattoes andCreoles, leaving only the free black subject to thetax.[16] But in 1712, a M. Robert, in a decision ona subject, again included the Mulattoes, without,however, mentioning the Creoles, so that only the freeNegroes and Mulattoes paid.[17] Thus they were heldas a class apart. A free Negro woman, MagdelaineDebern, further contested the matter, and in 1724,in the colony of Louisiana, won a decision exemptingfree Negroes and Mulattoes, and again placing themon the same footing with the Creole. The Creoleshad a decided advantage, however, because through thefavor of those in authority, there was always a dispositionto exalt them.[18]

It is in the definition of the word Creole that anothergreat difficulty arises. The native white Louisianianwill tell you that a Creole is a white man, whoseancestors contain some French or Spanish blood in theirveins. But he will be disputed by others, whowill gravely tell you that Creoles are to be foundonly in the lower Delta lands of the state, that thereare no Creoles north of New Orleans; and will raisetheir hands in horror at the idea of being confusedwith the “Cajans,” the descendants of thoseNova Scotians whom Longfellow immortalized in Evangeline.Sifting down the mass of conflicting definitions,it appears that to a Caucasian, a Creole is a nativeof the lower parishes of Louisiana, in whose veinssome traces of Spanish, West Indian or French bloodruns.[19] The Caucasian will shudder with horror atthe idea of including a person of color in the definition,and the person of color will retort with his definitionthat a Creole is a native of Louisiana, in whose bloodruns mixed strains of everything un-American, withthe African strain slightly apparent. The trueCreole is like the famous gumbo of the state, a littlebit of everything, making a whole, delightfully flavored,quite distinctive, and wholly unique.

From 1724 to the present time, frequent discussionsas to the proper name by which to designate this veryimportant portion of the population of Louisiana wagedmore or less acrimoniously.[20] It was this Creoleelement who in 1763 obtained a decision from LouisXV that all mixed bloods who could claim descent froman Indian ancestor in addition to a white outrankedthose mixed bloods who had only white and African ancestors.[21]In Jamaica, in 1733, there was passed a law that everyperson who could show that he was three degrees removedfrom a Negro ancestor should be regarded as belongingto the white race, and could sit as a member of theJamaica Assembly.[22] In Barbadoes, any person whohad a white ancestor could vote. These laws werequoted in Louisiana and influenced legislation there.[23]

Gov. Perier succeeded Bienville as Governor ofLouisiana. His task was not a light one; thecolony staggered under “terror of attack fromthe Indians, sudden alarms, false hopes, anxious suspense,militia levies, colonial paper, instead of good money,industrial stagnation, the care of homeless refugees,and worst of all, the restiveness of the slaves.The bad effects of slave-holding began to show themselves.”Many of the slaves had been taken in war, and werefierce and implacable. Some were of that fiercestof African tribes, the Banbaras. A friendliness,born of common hatred and despair, began to show itselfbetween the colored people and the fierce ChoctawIndians surrounding the colony, when Gov. Perierplanned a master-stroke of diplomacy. Just aboveNew Orleans lived a small tribe of Indians, the Chouchas,who, not particularly harmful in themselves, had succeededin inspiring the nervous inhabitants of the city withabject fear. Perier armed a band of slaves in1729 and sent them to the Chouchas with instructionsto exterminate the tribe. They did their workwith an ease and dispatch that should have been awarning to their white masters. In reportingthe success of his plan Perier said: “TheNegroes executed their mission with as much promptitudeas secrecy. This lesson taught them by our Negroes,kept in check all the nations higher up the river."[24]Thus, by one stroke the wily Governor had intimidatedthe tribes of Indians, allayed the nervous fears ofNew Orleans, and effected a state of hostility betweenthe Indians and the Africans, who were beginning tobe entirely too friendly with each other. ThenPerier used the slaves to make the entrenchments aboutthe city. Thus we have the first instance of thearming of the Negro in Louisiana for the defense ofthe colony. On the 15th of January, 1730, Gov.Perier sent a boat containing twenty white men andsix Africans to carry ammunition to the Illinois settlementup the Mississippi river whence tales of massacreand cruelty by the Indians filtered down.[25]

The arming of the slaves in defense of the whitesgave impetus to the struggle for their own freedom.In the massacre of the French by the Natchez, at thevillage of that name, over three hundred women andslaves were kept as prisoners, and in January of thesame year which witnessed the massacre of the Chouchas,the French surprised the Natchez Indians with theintention of recovering their women and slaves, andavenging the death of their comrades. Some ofthe Africans who had been promised their freedom ifthey allied themselves with the Natchez Indians, foughtagainst their erstwhile masters, others were loyal,and helped the French. The battle became an issue,as it were, between the slaves. Over one hundredof them were recovered from the Indians.[26]

The first tribute we have paid to the black man asa soldier in Louisiana was paid by Gov. Perierin this war in his dispatch to the French government.“Fifteen negroes,” he wrote, “inwhose hands we had put weapons, performed prodigiesof valor. If the blacks did not cost so much,and if their labors were not so necessary to the colony,it would be better to turn them into soldiers, andto dismiss those we have, who are so bad and so cowardlythat they seem to have been manufactured purposelyfor this colony."[27]

But the tiger had tasted blood. Perier’scruel logic was reactionary. Since he had usedblacks to murder Indians in order to make bad bloodbetween the races, the Indians retaliated by usingblacks to murder white men. In August of thatsame fateful year, the Chickasaws, who had given asylumto the despoiled Natchez in order to curb the encroachmentsof the white men, stirred the black slaves to revolt.We have noted before the prevalence of the BanbaraNegroes in the colony. It was they who plannedthe rebellion. Their plan was, after having butcheredthe whites, to establish a Banbara colony, keepingas slaves for themselves all blacks not of their nation.The conspiracy was discovered by the hints of a womanin the revolt before it had time to ripen, and thehead of the revolt, a powerful black named Samba witheight of his confederates was broken on the wheel,and the woman hanged.[28]

Gov. Perier’s administration did not lackinterest. The next year, in 1731, we find himstill struggling with his old enemies, the Natchez.His dispatches mention that a crew under one De Coulanges,with Indians and free blacks had been massacred bythe Indians. One dispatch has the greatest interestfor us, because of the expression “free blacks"[29]used. Here is one of the great mysteries of theperson of color in Louisiana. Whence the freeblack? We are told explicitly that up to thistime all Negroes imported into Louisiana were slavesfrom Africa, for the West Indian migration did notoccur until a half century later. This dispatchfrom Gov. Perier recalls articles in the BlackCode of 1724, where explicit directions are givenfor the disposition of the children of free blacks.In the regulations of police under the governorshipof the Marquis of Vandreuil, 1750, there is an articleregulating the attitude of free Negroes and Negressestoward slaves. Here is the very beginning of thataristocracy of freedom so fiercely and jealously guardeduntil this day, a free person of color being set asfar above his slave fellows as the white man setshimself above the person of color. Three explanationsfor this aristocracy seem highly probable: Someslaves might have been freed by their masters becauseof valor on the battlefield, others by buying theirfreedom in terms of money, and not a few slave womenby their owners because of their personal attractions.It makes little difference in this story which ofthe three or whether all of the three were contributorsto the rise of this new class. It existed asearly as 1724, twelve years after the first recordedslave importation. It was in 1766 that some Acadians,complaining of their treatment to the Governor Ulloa,represented that Negroes were freemen while they wereslaves.

Bienville returned to the colony as its governor in1733, after an absence of eight years, and it is recordedthat in 1735, when he reviewed his troops near Mobilewhile making preparations for an Indian war, he foundthat his army from New Orleans consisted of five hundredand forty-four white men, excluding the officers,and forty-five Negroes commanded by free blacks.[30]Here we note free black officers of Negro troops in1735. If not actually the first regular Negrotroops to appear in what is now the United States,they were certainly the first to be commanded by Negroofficers.

The engagement with the Choctaw Indians was not altogethersuccessful for the French. Disaster succeededdisaster, and the day closed with the French armydeeply humiliated, and making a retreat as dignifiedas possible under the circumstances. A numberof the French officers, as Gayarre tells us, stoodunder the shade of a gigantic oak discussing the defeat,and with them Simon, a free black, the commander ofthe troop of Negroes. He was deeply vexed becausehis troops had not stood fire, and expressed himselfwith so much freedom and disgust, that the French officerskept bantering him without mercy at the timidity ofhis soldiers, soothing their own wounded pride bylaughing at his mortification. Stung to the heart,Simon finally exclaimed wrathfully, “A Negrois as brave as anybody and I will show it to you.”Seizing a rope which was dangling from one of the tents,he rushed headlong toward one of the horses which werequietly slaking their thirst under the protectionof the Indian muskets. To reach a white mare,to jump on her back with the agility of a tiger, andto twist around her head and mouth the rope with whichto control her, was the affair of an instant.But that instant was enough for the apparently sleepingIndian village to show itself awake, and to flashforth into a hail of bullets. Away dashed Simontoward the Indian village, and back to the French campwhere he arrived safe amid the cheering acclamationsof the troops, and without having received a woundfrom the shots of the enemy.[31] This feat silencedat once the jests of the French officers, of whichSimon thought himself the victim.[32]

The beginning of the Revolutionary war in 1776 foundLouisiana a Spanish province and the natives of thecolony beginning to tolerate and even to like theirerstwhile hated Spanish masters. Don Bernardode Galvez was governor of the colony. His administrationhas a peculiar interest to us, because it was duringhis rule that the Court of Madrid, fully alive to thepolicy of extending the agriculture of Louisiana, issueda decree permitting the introduction of Negroes intoLouisiana by French vessels, from whatever ports theymight come.[33] This was the beginning of the rapidmigration from the West Indian islands.

While Andrew Jackson was still a child, Louisianahad a deliverer from the British in the person ofthis brave Gov. Galvez. The strategical importanceof the Mississippi River and of New Orleans was atonce apparent to the British commanders, and Louisiana,being neutral territory, offered a most fascinatingfield of operation. Galvez, in July, 1777, hadsecured declaration of neutrality from the 25,000or more Creeks, Choctaws and Chickasaws, but eventhis did not seem to satisfy the combatants. NewOrleans was at the mercy of first the American troopsand then the British. The mediation of Spainbetween France and England having been rejected inthe courts of Europe, Spain decided to join France

in the struggle against Great Britain. So onMay 8, 1779, Spain formally declared war against GreatBritain, and on July 8 authorized all Spanish subjectsin America to take their share in the hostilitiesagainst the English. No news could be more welcometo the dashing young Galvez, to whom a policy of neutralitywas decidedly distasteful. He decided to forestallthe attack on New Orleans, which he had learned wasto be made by the British, by attacking first, andon August 26 gathered his little army together.From New Orleans, as Gayarre tells, were 170 veteransoldiers, 330 recruits, 20 carabiniers, 60 militiamen,and 80 free blacks and mulattoes. On the way upthe river, they were reinforced by 600 men from thecoast of “every condition and color,”besides 160 Indians.[34]

On the march, the colored men and Indians were orderedto keep ahead of the main body of troops, at a distanceof about three quarters of a mile, and closely toreconnoitre the woods. In capturing the two fortsof Baton Rouge and Natchez, which were held by theBritish, Galvez found a considerable number of Negroslaves who had been armed by the British. Manyof these he set free. In his dispatch to hisgovernment at Madrid, Galvez reports that the companiesof free blacks and mulattoes, who had been employedin all the false attacks, and who, as scouts and skirmishers,had proved exceedingly useful, behaved on all occasionswith as much valor and generosity as the white soldiers.[35]But not alone were the exploits of Galvez’slittle army celebrated in history. Poetry addedher laurel wreath to its crown. Julien Poydrasde Lalande, known to all Louisianians as Poydras,celebrated the victory in a poem, “The God ofthe Mississippi,” wherein the brave deeds ofthe army, white and colored, are hailed in Frenchverse, lame and halting, it may be in places, but impartialin its tribute.

The close of the Revolutionary war found the colonypartially paralyzed as to industry. During theSpanish domination the indigo industry declined, tobaccowas difficult to raise, and the production of cottonwas not then profitable. Sugar raising was theonly other industry to which they could turn.In 1751 the Jesuit fathers had received their firstseed, or rather layers, from Santo Domingo and fromthat time sugar-cane had been grown with more or lesssuccess. But it was a strictly local industry.The Louisianians were poor sugar-makers. Thestuff was badly granulated and very moist, and whenin 1765 an effort was made to export some of the sugarto France, it was so wet that half of the cargo leakedout of the ship before it could make port. Itwas just at this psychological moment, in 1791 to1794, when the planters of the lower Delta saw ruinstaring them in the face, that there came to the rescueof the colony a man of color, one of the refugeesfrom Santo Domingo, where the blacks had risen in 1791.From the failure of this abortive attempt to emulate

the spirit of the white man, refugees flew in everydirection, and Louisiana welcomed them, if not exactlywith open arms, at least with more indifference thanother colonies. And these black refugees wereher saviors. For they had been prosperous sugar-makers,and the efforts to make marketable sugar in Louisiana,which had ceased for nearly twenty-five years, wererevived. Two Spaniards, Mendez and Solis, erectedon the outskirts of New Orleans, the one a distillery,the other a battery of sugar-kettles, and manufacturedrum and syrup. Still, the efforts were not entirelysuccessful, until Etienne de Bore appeared. Faceto face with ruin because of the failure of the indigocrop, he staked his all on the granulation of sugar.He enlisted the services of these successful SantoDominicans, and went to work. In all Americanhistory there can be fewer scenes more dramatic thanthe one described by careful historians of Louisiana,the day when the final test was made and there waspassed around the electrical word, “It granulates!"[36]

That year de Bore marketed $12,000 worth of superor sugar. The agriculture of the Delta was revolutionized;seven years afterwards New Orleans marketed 2,000,000gallons of rum, 250,000 gallons of molasses, and 5,000,000pounds of sugar. It was the beginning of the commercialimportance of one of the most progressive cities inthe country. Imagination refuses to picture whatwould have been the case but for the refugees fromSan Domingo.

But the same revolution which gave to Louisiana itsprestige to the commercial world, almost starved theprovince to death. In the year 1791, the trade,which had flourished briskly between Santo Domingoand New Orleans, was closed because of the uprising,and but for Philadelphia, famine would have decimatedthe city. 1,000 barrels of flour were sent in hasteto the starving city by the good Quakers of Philadelphia.The members of the Cabildo, the local council, prohibitedthe introduction of people of color from Santo Domingo,fearing the dangerous ideas of the brotherhood ofman. But it was too late. The news of thesuccess of the slaves in Santo Domingo, and the successof the French Revolution, says Gayarre, had penetratedinto the most remote cabins of Louisiana, and in April,1795, on the plantation of the same Poydras who hadsung the glory of the army of Galvez, a conspiracywas formed for a general uprising of the slaves throughoutthe parish of Pointe Coupee. The leaders werethree white men. The conspiracy failed becauseone of the leaders was incensed at his advice notbeing heeded and through his wife the authorities werenotified. A struggle ensued, and the conspiracywas strangled in its infancy by the trial and executionof the slaves most concerned in the insurrection.The three white men were exiled from the colony.[37]This finally ended the importation of slaves fromthe West Indies.

ALICE DUNBAR-NELSON

FOOTNOTES:

[1] King, “New Orleans, the Place and the Peopleduring the Ancien Regime,” 333.

[2] De las Casas, “Historia, General,”IV, 380.

[3] Herrera, “Historia General,” dec.IV, libro II; dec. V, libro II; dec. VII,libro IV.

[4] French, “Historical Collections of Louisiana,”Part V, 119 et seq.

[5] Gayarre, “History of Louisiana,” 4thEdition, I, 242, 254.

[6] French, “Historical Collections of Louisiana,”Part III, p. 42.

[7] Gayarre, “History of Louisiana,” I,102.

[8] Gayarre, “History of Louisiana,” I,242, 454.

[9] Ibid., I, 366.

[10] Ibid., I, 365-366.

[11] In 1900 a writer in Pearson’s Magazinein discussing race mixture in early Louisiana madesome startling statements as to the results of themiscegenation of these stocks during the colonial period.

[12] Code Noir, 1724.

[13] Code Noir.

[14] Lebeau, De la condition des gens de couleur libressous l’ancien regime, p. 49.

[15] Ibid., 49.

[16] Ibid., 50.

[17] Ibid., 51.

[18] In the treaty of 1803 between the newly acquiredterritory of Louisiana and the government of the UnitedStates, they and all mixed bloods were granted fullcitizenship.

[19] Most writers of our day adhere to this definition.See Grace King, “New Orleans, etc.,”and Gayarre, “History of Louisiana.”

[20] Lebeau, De la condition des gens de couleur libressous l’ancien regime, passim.

[21] Ibid., 60.

[22] Laws of Jamaica.

[23] Litigation on the subject of the definition ofthe free person of color reached its climax in theyear of our Lord, 1909, when Judge Frank D. Chretiendefined the word Negro as differentiated from personof color as used in Louisiana. The case, as itwas argued in court, was briefly this. It wascharged that one Treadway, a white man, was livingin illegal relations with an octoroon, Josephine Lightell.The District Attorney claimed that any one havinga trace of African blood in his veins, however slight,should be classed as a Negro. Counsel for thedefence had taken the position that Josephine Lightellhad so little Negro blood in her veins that she couldnot be classed as one. Judge Chretien held inhis ruling that local opinion, custom and sentimenthad previously agreed in holding that the black, andnot the white blood settled the ethnological statusof each person and that an octoroon, no less thana quadroon and a mulatto, had been considered a Negro.But he held that if the Caucasian wished to be consideredthe superior race, and that if his blood be consideredthe superior element in the infusion, then the Caucasianand not the Negro blood must determine the statusof a person. The case went to the Supreme Courtof Louisiana on an appeal from the decision of JudgeChretien who held that a mulatto is not a Negro inlegal parlance. The Supreme Court in a decisionhanded down April 25, 1910, sustained the view of JudgeChretien. This decision was an interpretationof an act of 1908 which set forth a definition ofthe word Negro.—­See State vs. Treadway,126 Louisiana, 300.

[24] Gayarre, “History of Louisiana,”I, 444, 448.

[25] Ibid., I, 365, 442, 454.

[26] Ibid., I, 448.

[27] Gayarre, “History of Louisiana,”I, 435.

[28] Ibid., 440.

[29] Ibid., I, 444.

[30] Dumont, “Memoires Historiques sur la Louisiane,”225, 226.

[31] Another interesting story is related by Dumont,a historian of
Louisiana, who publisheda work in 1753. The colony was then under
the administration ofGov. Kerlerec, whose opinion of colonial
courage was not veryhigh. The colony was without an executioner, and
no white man could befound who would be willing to accept the
office. It wasdecided finally by the council to force it upon a
Negro blacksmith belongingto the Company of the Indies, named
Jeannot, renowned forhis nerve and strength. He was summoned and
told that he was tobe appointed executioner and made a free man at
the same time.The stalwart fellow started back in anguish and
horror, “What!cut off the heads of people who have never done meany
harm?” He prayed,he wept, but saw at last that there was no escape
from the inflexiblewill of his masters. “Very well,”he said, rising
from his knees, “waita moment.” He ran to his cabin, seized a
hatchet with his lefthand, laid his right hand on a block of wood
and cut it off.Returning, without a word he exhibited the bloody
stump to the gentlemenof the council. With one cry, it is said, they
sprang to his relief,and his freedom was given him.—­Dumont,
“Memoires Historiquessur la Louisiane,” 244, 246.

The story is also told by Grace Kingof one slave, an excellent cook, who had onceserved a French governor. When, in one of herperiodic transitions from one government to another,Louisiana became the property of Spain, the “Cruel”O’Reilly was made governor of the colony.He was execrated as were all things sent by Spain orpertaining to Spanish rule. However, havingheard of the fame of the Negro cook, he sentfor him. “You belong now,” said he,“to the king of Spain, and until you aresold, I shall take you into my service.”“Do not dare it;” answered the slave,“you killed my master, and I would poisonyou.” O’Reilly dismissed him unpunished.—­Gayarre,“History of Louisiana,” II, 344.

[32] Gayarre, “History of Louisiana,”I, 480.

[33] Ibid., III, 108.

[34] Gayarre, “History of Louisiana,”III, 108.

[35] Ibid., III, 126-132.

[36] Gayarre, “History of Louisiana,”III, 348.

[37] Gayarre, “History of Louisiana,”III, 354.

THE DEFEAT OF THE SECESSIONISTS IN KENTUCKY IN 1861

The treatment of the Border States in the crisis of1861 has received from historians the same attentionas Saxony, the objective point between Prussia andAustria in the Seven Years’ War. Directingspecial attention to Kentucky requires some explanation.The possession of this commonwealth was for severalreasons more important than that of some other borderStates. The transportation facilities affordedby the Cumberland and Tennessee rivers furnished thekey to carrying out the plan to divide the South.The possession of the State by the Confederates wasof strategic importance for the invasion of the Northtoo for the reason that the Ordinance of 1787 hadbeen so interpreted as to fix the boundary of Kentuckyon the north side of the Ohio River. It was, moreover,the native State of Abraham Lincoln and it was importantto have that commonwealth support this untrained backwoodsmanwhom most statesmen considered incapable of administeringthe affairs of the nation.

In the beginning, the situation was not the leastencouraging to the Unionists. The BreckenridgeDemocrats had carried the State in 1859 on a platformfavoring Southern rights. Their chief spokesmanhad become such a defender of their faith that in1860 he was chosen to lead the radically proslaveryparty which had come to the point of so doubting theorthodoxy of their Northern adherents as to deem itadvisable to separate from them. Unalterablyin favor of the rights of the slave States, the leadersof this persuasion had expressed themselves in termsthat could not be misunderstood.[1] One of their spokesmenHumphrey Marshall contended that slavery is not acreature of municipal law. He believed that theinstitution followed the flag. He wanted Unionbut only with that equality which involved the recognitionof the right of property in slaves everywhere.[2]Speaking in the House of Representatives on January30, 1861, John W. Stephenson, another of this faction,said on the same topic: “Equality underlaidthe whole Federal structure, and protection to personsand property within the Federal jurisdiction, was theprice of allegiance of the States to such GeneralGovernment, as delegated and prescribed in the constitution.Wherever the American banner floated upon the seasor land, all beneath it was entitled to the protectionof the flag."[3]

On this question, their leader John C. Breckenridge,“a believer in the old Democratic creed anda supporter of the South and her institutions,"[4]took the same, if not higher ground. Referringto the Dred Scott decision in a speech delivered inAshland, Kentucky, in 1859, Breckenridge said:“After this decision we had arrived at a pointwhere we might reasonably expect tranquillity andpeace. The equality of rights and property ofall the states in the common Territory, having beenstamped by the seal of judicial authority, all goodcitizens might well acquiesce."[5] When the SouthernStates seceded because of the threatened infringement

of these rights, the President of the United States,according to Breckenridge, had no right to enlistmen and no right to blockade the Southern ports, inshort, no right to wage war on these commonwealths.Lincoln had thus overthrown constitutional government.If he was trying to preserve the Union, he must doit in a constitutional way. Breckenridge wantedthe Union but contended that it would be no good withoutthe Constitution.[6] To sum up, as Southern Democratsthey had helped to disrupt the Charleston Convention,and developing into a strict Southern rights party,they had through bolting made possible the electionof Abraham Lincoln. They then finally joinedthe States’ rights party, which, boldly declaringthe election of Lincoln a just cause for the dissolutionof the Union, undertook to secede.[7]

With such radical leaders in control it might seemstrange that, in a State formed from an aristocraticcommonwealth like Virginia and extending into thefertile region of the Mississippi, these protagonistsof States’ rights did not turn Kentucky overto the Confederacy. Exactly what part did therich slaveholders play during this crisis when theState was called upon to decide the question betweenthe North and South? What was the position ofsuch influential men as James B. Clay, George B. Hodge,Cerro Gordo Williams, T. P. Porter, Roger W. Hansom,and S. B. Buckner?[8]

Other representative citizens, however, had been equallyoutspoken in favor of the Union. Voicing thesentiment of the Union party, which on the eighthof January met in Louisville to take steps to supportthe Federal Government, Bell said: “Letus offer everything we can to avert the torrent ofevil, but let us always stand ready to support ourrights in the Union: the State is deeply anddevotedly attached to the Union."[9] Garrett Davisinquired: “Will you preserve the Union orrush into the vortex of revolution under the nameof secession?"[10] J. T. Boyle said in the same conventionthat there could be no benefit or advantage, no civilor political rights, no interest of any kind whatever,secured by government in the Southern Confederacywhich the people did not then enjoy in the “blessedUnion formed by our fathers.” In his opinion,it was the duty of Kentuckians “to stand bythe Star Spangled Banner and cling to the Union."[11]Some of the most influential newspapers were fearlesslyadvocating the Union cause. Among others werethe Frankfort Daily Commonwealth, the LouisvilleCourier and the Democrat.

Exactly what support these leaders of the differingfactions would obtain was determined by forces forcenturies at work in that State. Southernerswho thought that, because Kentucky was a slave Stateit should go with the South, had failed to take thesecauses into consideration. In the first place,not every slaveholder was an ardent proslavery agitator.There were masters who like Henry Clay considered

slavery an evil and hoped to see it abolished, butwhile the majority of their fellow countrymen heldon to it they did so too. Many Kentuckians, moreover,were like that restless class of Westerners who, dissatisfiedwith the society based on slavery, had taken up landbeyond the mountains, where the poor man could toilup from poverty.[12] Kentucky was the first sectionwest of the Allegheny mountains settled by these daringadventurers because they were there cut off from theNorth by the French and from the South by the Spanish,and in Kentucky, a section hemmed in by these foreignpossessions, the settlers were less liable to be disturbed.And even when the barrier of foreign claims had beenremoved, the movement of population from the East tothe West took place along lines leading to the Stateslater organized in the West rather than into Kentucky.The people of Kentucky, therefore, were not radicallychanged in a day by the influx of population.On the contrary, many of them, especially the mountaineers,have not changed since the days of Boone and Henderson.Some of them having left the uplands of the coloniesbecause they were handicapped by slavery, were naturallyopposed to the bold claims of that institution in1861. They, like the Westerners, learned to lookto the General Government for the establishment ofcommonwealths, the building of forts, and the maintenanceof troops,[13] and, therefore, adhered to it whenit was threatened with destruction.

Another cause, moreover, was equally as potential.In Kentucky as in some other Southern States, therehad grown up a considerable number of prosperous countrytowns, where resided lawyers, merchants, bankers,teachers, and mechanics, who had little property interestin slavery, who felt their own “intellectualsuperiority to the country squires and their fox-hunting,horse-racing, quarrelsome sons, and who consequentlyasserted social independence of them and social equalitywith them."[14] They were hostile to the aristocraticmasters, whom they generally denounced as “oligarchs,”“slavocrats,” “Lords of the Lash,”and “Terror Engenders."[15] This mercantileand professional class, inspired by such men as HintonRowan Helper, contemplated the removal of the Negroesand the bringing of white laborers into the South.[16]

In view of this cleavage, it was difficult in thebeginning of the struggle to characterize the situation.There were unconditional Secessionists and unconditionalUnion men. Judging from the condition then obtaining,no one could tell exactly which way the State wouldgo. “Sympathy, blood, and the communityof social feeling growing out of slavery,” saysone, “inclined her to the South; her politicalfaith which Clay more than any other man had inspiredher with and which Crittenden now loyally representedheld her fast to the Union."[17] Many of the people,though believing in States’ rights, did notthink that the grievances of the South were such as

to justify secession. At the same time they opposed“coercion,” and since a reconstructedUnion was impossible they would have solved the difficultyby peaceful separation. Writing to Gen. McClellanJune 8, 1861, Garrett Davis said: “Thesympathy for the South and the inclination to secessionamong our people is much stronger in the southwesterncorner of the state than it is in any other part,and as you proceed toward the upper section of theOhio and our Virginia line, it gradually becomes weakeruntil it is almost wholly lost.... I doubt notthat two thirds of our people are unconditionallyfor the Union. The timid are for it and they shrinkfrom convulsion and civil war, while all the bold,the reckless, and the bankrupt are for secession."[18]This categorical distinction, however, is hardly right.There were Kentuckians of representative families onboth sides in all parts of the State except in theextreme West.[19] A careful study of the facts, however,leads one to the conclusion that even in the beginningthere were more Unionists than Secessionists.The Unionists, unhappily, were not organized whilethe Secessionists were led by the State officials,chief among whom was Governor Magoffin.

When the Southern States began to secede GovernorMagoffin called a special session of the State legislature,thinking that he could have a secession conventioncalled. He said in part: “I thereforesubmit to your consideration the propriety of providingfor the election of delegates to a convention to beassembled at an early day to which shall be referredfor full and final determination the future of theFederal and interstate relations of Kentucky.”He further said: “Kentucky will not be anindifferent observer of the force policy. Theseceding States have not in their haste and inconsiderateaction our approval, but their cause is our rightand they have our sympathies. The people of Kentuckywill never stand by with folded arms while those Statesare struggling for their constitutional rights andresisting oppression and being subjugated to an anti-slaverygovernment."[20] He believed that the idea of coercion,when applied to great political communities, is revoltingto a free people, contrary to the spirit of our institutions,and if successful would endanger the liberties ofthe people.[21] But the legislature did not providefor such a convention. On the eleventh of Februarythis body adjourned. It reassembled on the twentiethof March and remained in session until the fourthof April, but still these important matters were notdecided. Pursuant to another call of the Governor,it reassembled on the 6th of May and sat until thetwenty-fourth of May when it adjourned. On thesecond of September the legislature elected in Augustcame in, but still the important question as to whatshould be done hung in the balance. At firstthere came up the resolutions introduced by GeorgeW. Ewing on the twenty-first of January, expressing

regret that certain States had furnished men and moneyfor the coercion of the seceded States, and requestingthe Governor of Kentucky to notify such States thatshould attempts be made to coerce these commonwealths,Kentucky would join the South.[22] This resolutionpassed the House but did not pass the whole legislatureas so many have said. A resolution for callinga convention to amend the Constitution of the UnitedStates was passed.[23] Several distinguished men ofKentucky sat in this convention which was in sessionfrom the fourth to the twenty-second of February withoutaccomplishing anything.

The majority of Kentuckians were then neutral.There were two classes of neutrals, however.This was easily possible since neutrality meant onething to one man and a different thing to another.Each faction looked forward to the adoption of thispolicy as a victory over the other. The Unionistsaccepted it as the best policy, not knowing that, takingsuch a position, they would aid the Confederacy.Even John J. Crittenden had this idea. He said:“If Kentucky and the other border States shouldassume this attitude, war between the two sectionsof the country would be averted and the Confederatestates after a few years’ trial of their experimentwould return voluntarily to the Union.” [24]

Neutrality was considered a necessity for anotherreason; namely, the expected short duration of thewar. No one believed at first that the war wouldlast long. Even Lincoln thought that it wouldbe over in ninety days. Some, therefore, feltthat Kentucky would be foolish to cause blood to beshed on her soil when the war could easily be keptout of the State three months. This sentiment,however, must not be misunderstood as evincing a lackof interest in the Union, for in the address declaringfor neutrality these same leaders said that the dismembermentof the Union was no remedy for existing evils butan aggravation of them all.[25] To many Unionistsneutrality meant going slowly in the right direction.It was in keeping with Lincoln’s plan not togo so rapidly toward “coercion” in Kentuckyas he had in the other border States.

How then did the neutrality policy work out?On the twenty-ninth of January R. T. Jacob introducedin the lower house of the legislature a resolutiondeclaring that the proper position of Kentucky wasthat of a mediator between the sections, and thatas an umpire she would remain firm and impartial inthat day of trial to their “beloved country thatby counsel and mediation she might aid in restoringpeace and harmony and brotherly love.”Giving the reasons for adopting such a policy Jacobsaid:

“This leading sentiment of mediation was indorsedby the Union men of both Houses of the Legislature....Some may say, why did not the Kentucky Legislaturego for coercion? For two reasons: First,some States, it is true had seceded from the Union,but war had not actually commenced: second, themen at that time who would have undertaken to forcecoercion upon the Legislature would have been in thehopeless minority and would have immediately givena majority to the secessionists. It would haveended in total destruction to the cause of the Unionin the State. Those resolutions were for twopurposes. In good faith they were intended tocompromise all difference between the States, and ifpossible to restore peace between sections. Ifthat failed, they were intended to hold, if possible,our meagre majority until the people could act andwe had no doubt that when they did speak it wouldbe in unmistakable tones for the preservation of theUnion."[26]

No action was taken on these resolutions, but on theeleventh of February there was passed a joint measure,entitled “Resolutions Declaring action by theLegislature on political affairs unnecessary and inexpedientat this time,"[27] These resolutions mentioned thegreat danger which environed the Union, asked theConfederates to stay the work of secession and protestedagainst coercion. The last resolution favoredthe calling of a convention to amend the Constitutionof the United States. Significant too for theUnionists were the last words: “It is unnecessaryand inexpedient for the Legislature to take any furtheraction on the subject at the present time, and asan evidence of the sincerity and good faith of ourpropositions for an adjustment and our expression ofdevotion to the Union and the desire for its preservationKentucky awaits with great solicitude the responsesfrom her sister States."[28]

Neutrality, however, became the accepted policy ofso many that it proved to be dangerous. The UnionState Committee, in drawing up on the eighteenth ofApril a resolution to please all, seemingly pledgedthe State to join the South. These resolutionswere severely criticised by the Unionists, especiallythat part which says: “What the future destinyof Kentucky may be we cannot with certainty foresee.But if the enterprise announced in the proclamationof the President should at any time hereafter assumethe aspect of a war for overrunning and subjugationof the seceding States, then Kentucky ought to takeher stand for the South.” [29] Many thoughtthat this obligated Kentucky to go with the South.Unionists of other States considered it a victory forthe Confederacy. This committee, however, stipulatedthis proposition to satisfy those sympathizers withthe South, who believed all the bad reports concerningthe functionaries of the Federal Government, circulatedby the leaders of the Confederacy. Hence, theysaid in this proposition not that Kentucky would go

with the South, but if at any time thereafter the President’sproclamation should assume the aspect of war, it woulddo so. They evidently did not believe that ithad or would assume such an aspect. They werealso trying to pacify those who misunderstood the issuesof “subjugation” and “coercion."[30]The relation of the States to the Union was yet aproblem to many a statesman. Many thought thatthe colonists when in a state of nature came togetherand agreed to a compact, giving up some of their sovereigntyand retaining the other, and, therefore, had the rightto withdraw at pleasure, carrying a part of the nationalproperty with them. Such thinkers contended toothat the Union had no right to “coerce”a seceded State. Calhoun had said that becausethe Union was a compact it could be broken; on theother hand, Jackson had said that because it was acompact it could not be broken. Now it was difficultfor Kentuckians to decide who was right. Thatthe committee had no intention of going with the Confederacymay be seen from the following declaration: “Seditiousleaders in the midst of us now appeal to her (Kentucky)to furnish troops to uphold those combinations againstthe government of the Union. Will she complywith this appeal? Ought she to comply with it?We answer, no."[31]

While these things were going on, the great questionof Fort Sumter was before the people. When thefort was finally bombarded and Lincoln called forseventy-five thousand troops Gov. Magoffin politelyrefused to comply. His reply was: “Isay emphatically Kentucky will furnish no troops forthe wicked purpose of subduing her sister SouthernStates."[32] He had already been much moved by thelarge vote given the delegates to the Border StatesConvention, indicating such a growth of Union sentimentthat he called the legislature together, hoping towin the day for secession by changing the policy ofthe State from mediatorial to armed neutrality, resistingall forces, whether Confederate or Federal, whichmight bring war into the State. The body meton the sixteenth of May, passed a resolution of mediatorialneutrality and approved the Governor’s refusalto furnish troops under the existing circumstances.[33]This, however, did not mean that the legislature wasin sympathy with the efforts of the Governor to supportthe Southern cause. Writing to Gen. Scott, JohnJ. Crittenden explained it thus:

“The position of Kentucky andthe relation she occupies toward the governmentof the Union is not, I fear, understood at Washington.It ought to be well understood. Very importantconsequences may depend upon it and upon herproper treatment. Unfortunately for us our Governordoes not sympathize with Kentucky in respect to secession.His opinions and feelings incline him stronglyto the side of the South. His answer tothe requisition for troops was in terms hasty andunbecoming and does not correspond with the usual andgentlemanly courtesy. But while she regrettedthe language of his answer, Kentucky acquiescedin his declining to furnish the troops called for,and she did so not because she loved the Union lessbut she feared that if she had parted with thosetroops and sent them to serve in your ranks,she would have been overwhelmed by secessionists athome, and severed from the Union. And it was topreserve substantially and ultimately our connectionwith the Union that induced us to acquiesce inthe partial infraction of it by our Governor’srefusal of the troops required. This was the mostprevailing and general motive. To this maybe added the strong indisposition of our peopleto a civil war with the South, and the apprehendedconsequences of a civil war within our state and amongour people.... I think Kentucky’s excusea good one and that under all the circumstancesof a complicated case she is rendering better servicein her present position than she could by becomingan active party in the contest."[34]

The fact is that secession had little chance in Kentuckyafter public opinion found expression. Neutralityearly became the order of the day. The electionsof 1861 were significant in that they gave the peoplea chance to express their will. It should beborne in mind that the legislature of 1859 was electedwhen the question of union or disunion was not beforethe people. Now in 1861 they had to elect membersto the Border State Convention, a new legislature,and congressmen to represent Kentucky at the specialsession called by President Lincoln. In all theseelections, Unionists won. Some historians likeSmith and Shaler[35] seem to think that the Statehad pledged itself to remain unconditionally neutral,that these elections had no particular bearing on thesituation and that if a “sovereignty convention”had been called, secession would have won. Thesewriters do not seem to see that the people of Kentucky,although nominally neutral, desired to remain withthe Union. Doubtless a better statement is that,although the election of 1861 showed that a largemajority of the people were in favor of the Union,the Union leaders did not show so in the early partof the year and neutrality was adopted not as an endbut as a means that triumph over the enemies of theUnion might finally be assured.[36] We easily seenow that there was not much danger of secession, butthe Unionists could not see it so well at that time.Smith and Shaler doubtless exaggerate the situation,for what danger of secession could there have beenwhen the people had elected the Union candidates forthe Border State Convention to be convened at Frankforton May 27, when they sent nine Unionists out of theten congressmen to represent them in the special sessionof Congress, and when on the 5th of the followingAugust, after the battle of Bull Run, they electedto the State Legislature 103 Unionists out of 141members.[37] The calling of a convention then wouldhave made little difference, if the people had chosen

a majority of Unionists to represent them in otherbodies. How can one conclude then that they wouldhave elected seceders to represent them in a “sovereigntyconvention”? Hodge states that the sympathizerswith the Confederacy did not contest to any considerableextent the elections of August, 1861, and consequentlythe supporters of the Federal Government were in theascendency in the next legislature. He seems toindicate that the Unionists used fraud, but the recordsshow that the Secessionists, regarding it as a lostcause, in many cases withdrew their candidates.Evidently these elections showed not only that secessionwas impossible but that neutrality could not last.[38]

After this sentiment began to change. Men boldlytook decisive positions. The unwieldy neutralityparty then divided into three parts: those whowent to the Confederate lines to aid the Southern cause;those who openly declared themselves in favor of theUnion; and those sympathizers with the South, whoalthough in favor of the seceding States, seeing thattheir cause was hopeless, advocated peaceful separationand finally, when that failed, a compromise peacebetween the two sections.[39] The Union party, thoughunalterably opposed to the abolitionists and not primarilyattached to the Union because of antagonism to slavery,gradually acquiesced in the policy of the FederalGovernment with respect to that institution. Thisparty first reached the position that Negroes takenfrom the Confederates could with propriety be disposedof as contraband of war and many of its adherentsgrew more favorable to the policy of general emancipation.

It was soon evident that war could not long be keptout of the State. As early as April, 1861, troopsfor service in the Confederacy were organized in Kentucky.This movement was somewhat accelerated by an act ofthe legislature providing that the arms supplied tothe troops should not be used against either sectionand that the State companies as well as the Home Guardsshould take the same oath as the officers requiringfidelity to the Constitution.[40] At this point manyKentuckians of proslavery tendencies were forced outof their natural position and driven into the Confederateranks. Among these was S. B. Buckner, who wentSouth to command about ten thousand secessionists,recruited under the leadership of Colonels Roger W.Hanson, Lloyd Tilghman, and W. D. Lannon at Camp Boone.[41]

The Governor refused to furnish Lincoln troops buthe was in touch with the Confederacy, doing all hecould to equip soldiers for its service,[42] thoughnot exactly openly, as that would have been sufficientexcuse for the Unionists who desired to help the Union.The Unionists who saw all of this going on desiredto arm and organize their forces but they were handicappedin that the commander of the State guard was a Secessionistand care had been taken to hold the military forcesfor the South. In consequence of this difficulty

Lincoln was secretly appealed to for arms, which wereshipped to cities on the Ohio River for secret distributionamong the Unionists of Kentucky as the opportunitywould permit.[43] The Secessionists had referred tothese guns as the first so-called violation of neutrality.The Unionists defended themselves on the ground thatsince the Governor and his whole machine were aboutin the ranks of the Confederates they were justifiedin doing almost anything to defend the State.Shaler says that the action on both sides was almostsimultaneous and that the actual infringement of theneutrality proclamation issued by the Governor wasdue to the action of Polk and Zollicoffer and thesimultaneous invasion of the State some hundreds ofmiles apart shows that the rupture of the neutralityof Kentucky was deliberately planned by the Confederateauthorities.[44]

The invasion by Polk in September produced great excitement.The legislature was then in session and passed a resolutionthat the invaders be expelled, and that the Governorcall out the military force of the State and placethe same under the command of Gen. Thomas L. Crittenden.The resolutions were vetoed by the Governor but passedby a vote of two thirds.[45] The desired proclamationwas issued and soon sufficient men to form forty regimentsanswered the call.[46] Making further response to theinvasion of the State by the Confederates, the legislatureordered that the United States flag be raised overthe capitol at Frankfort, and by a resolution which“affirmed” distinctly, though not directly,the doctrine of States’ rights placed Kentuckyin political and military association with the North.[47]

WILLIAM T. McKINNEY

FOOTNOTES:

[1] See Debates in Congress.

[2] Marshall, Speech in Washington on the Nominationof Breckenridge and Lane, p. 3.

[3] Speech of John Stephenson on the state of theUnion in the House of Representatives, January 30,1861.

[4] Bartlett, “Presidential Candidates in 1860,”pp. 344-345.

[5] Speech of Hon. J. C. Breckenridge delivered atAshland, Kentucky, p. 9.

[6] Speech of J. C. Breckenridge on Executive Usurpation,July 16, 1861.

[7] “The Frankfort Commonwealth,” August21, 1861.

[8] These were some of the most intellectual and aristocraticmen of the State. Collins exaggerates, however,when he says that few leading men opposed secession.See Collins, “History of Kentucky,” I,82.

[9] Speed, “The Union Cause in Kentucky,”36.

[10] Ibid., 36.

[11] Ibid., 37.

[12] Hart, “Slavery and Abolition,” 65,178, 234; Turner, “Rise of the New West,”77.

[13] Report of the American Historical Association,1893, pp. 219-221.

[14] Burgess, “Civil War and the Constitution,”I, 30.

[15] Ibid.

[16] McMaster, “History of the United States,”VIII, 426-427.

[17] Rhodes, “History of the United States,”III, 391.

[18] Rhodes, “History of the United States,”VII, 392.

[19] Speed, “The Union Cause in Kentucky,”158-179.

[20] House Journal, 1861, Governor’sMessage, p. 10.

[21] Ibid., 11.

[22] House Journal, 1861, Governor’sMessage, p. 12.

[23] Ibid., 14.

[24] Letter of John J. Crittenden to Gen. McClellan.

[25] Speed, “The Union Cause in Kentucky,”42.

[26] Speed, “The Union Cause in Kentucky,”p. 45.

[27] House Journal. 1861, p. 33.

[28] Ibid., 34.

[29] Speed, “The Union Cause in Kentucky,”57.

[30] Speed, “The Union Cause in Kentucky,”58-62.

[31] Ibid., 58.

[32] House Journal, 1861, p. 6.

[33] Ibid., 94.

[34] Nicolay and Hay, “Life of Lincoln,”IV, 233.

[35] Smith, “History of Kentucky,” 610;Shaler, “History of Kentucky,” 243.

[36] Smith says in describing the period of 1861:“It were well nigh certain that if a sovereigntyconvention could have been called at any time beforethe formation of the Union sentiment and policy intoaction and life, the state would have been carriedoff into the act of secession as Virginia and Tennesseewere by the sense of sympathy and kinship toward theSouth.” Shaler thinks the same. Hesays: “There is reason to believe thatthis course (neutrality) was the only one that couldhave kept Kentucky from secession. If what hadbeen unhappily named a Sovereignty Convention hadbeen called in 1861; if the state had been compelledby the decision of a body of men who were acting underthe control of no constitutional enunciation, thesense of sympathy and kinship with the Southern states,such as would easily grow up under popular oratoryin a mob, would probably have precipitated action.”Speed, however, is doubtless right in saying all thisis mere assertion and that there was no danger of secessionafter the people had a chance to transfer their willto the government. Shaler, “Kentucky,”p. 240; Smith, “History of Kentucky,” p.610.

[37] Speed, “The Union Cause in Kentucky,”93-98.

[38] Collins, “History of Kentucky,” I,243.

[39] The Frankfort Commonwealth, July 19; Aug.19, 21, 23; Nov. 10, 20, 23; and Dec. 11, 1861; TheYeoman Weekly, May 10; June 21, 22; July 8, 1861;Daily Louisville Democrat, Sept. 7 and Oct.8, 1861.

[40] House Journal, 1861, 240.

[41] Speed, “The Union Cause in Kentucky,”192.

[42] War Records, Serial 108, p. 37; Serial 127, p.234; Serial 110, pp. 44-64, and Serial 110, p. 71.

[43] Nicolay and Hay, “Life of Lincoln,”IV, 237.

[44] Shaler, “History of Kentucky,” 261.

[45] House Journal, 1861, p. 122.

[46] Speed, “The Union Cause in Kentucky,”300 et seq. See despatches and lettersgiven in same.

[47] Rhodes, “History of the United States,”III, 392.

NOTES ON NEGROES IN GUATEMALA DURING THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY

The introduction of Negroes into Guatemala commencedwith the year of the conquest of that country by theSpaniards in 1524, when there came several Negro slaveswith the conquistadores from Mexico. Itseems that they soon increased in numbers, for amongthe decrees of the conquistador, Pedro de Alvarado,there is one which prohibits the selling of gunpowderto Indians and Negroes. The number of Africanslaves brought to Guatemala had, however, always remainedrelatively a very limited one, for as the Spaniardshad plenty of cheap hands by means of a system of indenturedlabor forced upon the numerous Indian population, theimportation of slaves evidently did not pay them well.It seems safe to say, that their total number neveramounted to ten thousand.

The most copious, though still very sparse noticesof them I have run across, are those given by ThomasGage, an English Catholic educated in Spain, who,in the twenties and thirties of the seventeenth century,lived as a priest in the then city of Guatemala, nowadayscalled Antigua, and in some Indian villages not farfrom there.[1] One of the places where Thomas Gageobserved a somewhat considerable population of Negroeswas the so-called Costa del Sur, or Southern Coast,the hot land between the Andes and the Pacific, tothe south of the capital. They were worked thereon the indigo plantations and large cattle haciendas.The Negroes impressed Thomas Gage as the only courageouspeople in Guatemala while the Spanish Mestizos andIndians seemed to him to be very cowardly.

This writer said that if Guatemala was powerful withrespect to its people, for she was not in arms norresources, then she was so merely by virtue of a classof desperate Negroes, who were slaves living on theindigo plantations. Though they had no arms buta machete, which was their small lance used for chasingthe wild cattle (nowadays, that name is given to along and broad, sword-like knife), they were so desperatethat they often caused fear to the very city of Guatemalaand had made their masters tremble. “Thereare among them,” said he, “those who haveno fear to brave a wild bull, furious though he be,and to attach themselves to the crocodiles in therivers, until they have killed them and brought themto the bank."[2]

In reading these lines, one cannot help from rememberingthe classical description Alexander Von Humboldt givesof the Negro boatmen of the river Dagua, in the actualrepublic of Colombia. The inimitable skill andunsurpassable bravery Humboldt saw them display inthe midst of the ferocious currents and loud-pouringrapids of that river caused him to exclaim: “Everymovement of the paddle is a wonder, and every Negroa god!” A nice monument to the fame of indomitablebravery the Negroes manifested in past times in Guatemalaexists still in a saying often heard by travelers:“Esos son negros!” or “Thoseare Negroes,” an exclamation which means:“Those are desperate men, who do not care foranything.” One could also hear the saying:“Esto es obra de negros,” or “thatis a work of Negroes,” the meaning being thatit was work for bold men with iron nerves.

Another expression brings out the fact that the Negroeswere considered, or forced to be, very hard workers.“Trabaja como un negro” or “heworks like a Negro,” signified doing “themost arduous labor.” That the lot of theslaves was often a bitter one, though, because of theless greedy Spanish character, without doubt generallya less hard one than in North America, is shown bythe fact that Guatemala had her “Cimarrones”just as Jamaica, and Guiana, had their Maroons.

The Spanish word “cimarron” signifiesindiscriminately a runaway head of cattle or horses,that had become wild, or a runaway slave. Thefugitive Negroes of Guatemala had their chief strongholdin the inaccessible mountain woods of the Sierra delas Minas, which lies near the Atlantic coast betweenthe Golfo Dulce and the valley of the river Motagua.The Golfo Dulce, which is now abandoned because oflack of sufficient depth for the big vessels of to-day,was at that time the port of entry for the whole ofGuatemala. From it a bridle-path ran over theSierra de las Minas to the valley of the Motagua andfurther on to the capital. In speaking of thispath over the mountain, Gage remarks: “Whatthe Spaniards fear most until they get out of thesemountains, are two or three hundred Negroes, Cimarrones,who for the bad treatment they received have fled fromGuatemala and from other places, running away fromtheir masters in order to resort to these woods; therethey live with their wives and children and increasein numbers every year, so that the entire force ofGuatemala City and its environments is not capableto subdue them.”

They very often came out of the woods to attack thosewho drove teams of mules, and took from them wine,salt, clothes and arms to the quantity they needed.They never did any harm to the mule drivers nor totheir slaves. On the contrary, the slaves amusedthemselves with the Cimarrones, because they wereof the same color and in the same condition of servitude,and not seldom availed themselves of the opportunityto follow their example, and united with them to obtainliberty, though obliged to live in the woods and mountains.

Their arms were arrows and bows, which they carriedonly for the purpose of defending themselves againstattacks of the Spaniards; for they did not harm thosewho passed by peacefully and who let them have a partof the provisions they carried. They often declaredthat their principal reason for resorting to thesemountains was to be ready to join the English or Dutch,if these some day appeared in the Gulf, for they wellknew that these, unlike the Spaniards, would let themlive in peace.

Among the most remarkable facts learned by ThomasGage in Guatemala is the story of a Negro freedmanwho had accumulated great wealth. This Negrolived in Agua Caliente, an Indian village, on the roadto Guatemala City, or Antigua, where the natives hadobtained considerable quantities of gold from somespot in the mountains only known to them. TheSpaniards, not content with an annual tribute paidthem by the Indians, endeavored in vain to force thenatives to show them the mine, and because they refusedkilled them, thus gaining no knowledge of the minefor which they were still searching in vain in thetimes of Thomas Gage. “In that place ofAgua Caliente,” continues Gage, “thereis a Negro who lives and receives very well the travelerswho call upon him. His wealth consists in cattle,sheep, and goats, and he furnishes the city of Guatemalaand the environments with the best cheese to be foundin the country. But it is believed that his wealthdoes not come so much from the produce of his farmand his cattle and cheese, but from that hidden treasurewhich is believed known to him. He, therefore,has been summoned to the Royal Audience in Guatemala,but he has always denied to have any knowledge ofit.”

He had been suspected because he had formerly beena slave and had secured his liberty by means of aconsiderable sum. After that, he had bought hisfarm and much of the surrounding land and had considerablyincreased his original holdings. To his inquisitorshe replied that, “when young and still a slavehe had a kind master who suffered him to do what hepleased, and that by economy he had accumulated where-withto buy his liberty and afterwards a little house tolive in; and God had given His blessing to that andlet him have the means for increasing his funds.”

Another one of Gage’s accounts discloses theabuses common among the slave-holders under Spanishrule, and the silliness of the belief that the mastersfor their own benefit would treat their human propertywell. This account refers to one Juan Palomeque,a rich landowner and promoter of mule-transports,who lived in Gage’s parish of Mexico, near theactual capital of Guatemala. He was believedto be worth six hundred thousand ducats, about 1,400,000dollars. He owned about a hundred Negroes, men,women, and children, but was so stingy that, to avoidthe expense of decent house-keeping, he never livedin the city, though he had several houses there.Instead, he lived in a straw-hut and feasted on hard,black bread and on tasajo, or thin strips ofsalt beef dried in the sun.

He was so cruel to his Negroes, that, when one ofthem behaved badly, he would whip him almost to death.He had among others a slave named Macaco, “onbehalf of whom,” said Gage, “I often pleaded,but in vain. At times he hung him by the handsand beat him until he had his back entirely coveredwith blood, and in that state, the skin being entirelytorn to pieces, in order to heal up the slave’ssores the master poured hot fat over them. Moreover,he had marked him with a hot iron face, hands, arms,back, belly, and legs, so that this poor slave gottired to live and intended several times to suicidehimself; but I prevented him from doing so every timeby remonstrances I made him.”

Juan Palomeque was so sensual and voluptuous thathe constantly abused the wives of his slaves as heliked, and even when he saw in the city some girlor woman of that class whom he wanted, and she wasnot attracted to him, he would call upon her masteror mistress and buy her, “giving much more thanshe had cost; afterwards he boasted that he would breakdown her pride in one year of slavery.”“In my times,” said Gage, “he killedtwo Indians on the road to the Gulf, but by meansof his money he got so easily out of that affair asif he had killed but a dog.” As Gage doesnot tell anything of a prosecution for the crimesagainst the Negro, no actual law seems to have beenviolated.[3]

The descendants of the ancient slaves have so completelybecome mixed up with Spanish-Indian blood that, makingexception of the valley of the Motagua River, theyhave practically disappeared as a race. In 1796,their number was considerably increased by the so-calledCaribs, whom the English deported from the Islandof St. Vincent and set ashore in Guatemala. Theylive now on the Atlantic coast, also on that of Hondurasand Nicaragua, and are estimated to total about 20,000.They are Zambos, but the African blood seems to prevail.[4]

A MULATTO CORSAIR OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

When on his return voyage to England, sailing downthe Atlantic coast of Costa Rica, Thomas Gage’sship was intercepted by two corsairs under the Dutchflag, one of them being a man-of-war. The struggleof the Netherlands for freedom against Spain had notthen come to a close. The Dutch commander wasa character, of whose strange experiences Gage givesan interesting account. Much to the surpriseof the traveler the captain who had caught them wasa mulatto named Diaguillo, who was born and broughtup at Habana (Cuba), where his mother was still living.Having been maltreated by the Governor of Campechein whose service he had been, this mulatto in a fitof utter desperation threw himself into a boat andventured into the sea, where he met with some Dutchships on watch for a prize. He swam to and wentaboard one of these vessels, hoping to find bettertreatment than among his country-men. He offeredhimself to the Dutch and promised to serve them loyallyagainst those of his nation who had maltreated him.Afterwards he proved himself so loyal and reliableto the Dutch, that he won much fame among them.He was married to a girl of their nation and latermade captain of a vessel under that brave and nobleDutchman, whom the Spaniards dreaded much and whomthey named Pie de Palo, or Wooden-leg.

“That famous mulatto,” said Gage, “washe who boarded our frigate with his soldiers.I lost four thousand pesos wealth in pearls and jewelryand about three thousand in ready money. I hadstill other things with me, viz., a bed, somebooks, pictures painted on copper, and clothes, andI asked that Mulatto captain to let me keep them.He donated me them liberally, out of considerationfor my vocation, and said I must take patience, forhe was not allowed to dispose in other way of my pearlsand my money; moreover, he used the proverb:If fortune to-day is on my side, to-morrow it willbe on yours, and what I have won to-day, that I maylose to-morrow.... He also ordered to give meback some single and double pistoles, out of generosityand respect to my garb....”

“After having searched their prize,” continuedthe traveler, “Captain and soldiers thoughtof refreshing themselves on the provisions we had onboard; the generous captain had a luxurious dinnerand invited me to be his guest, and knowing that Iwas going to Habana, he drank the health of his motherand asked me to go to see her and give her his kindestregards, saying that for her sake he had treated meas kindly as was in his power. He told us, moreover,when still at table, that for my sake he would giveus back our ship, so that we could get back to land,and that I might find some other and safer way tocontinue my voyage to Spain.... Everything takenaway from the ship save my belongings, which captainDiaguillo ordered to let me out of a generosity notoften to be found with a corsair, he bade us fare-wellthanking us for the good luck we had procured him.”

Thomas Gage reached Habana in safety and called uponthe mother of the Corsair, but does not say how hefound her.

J. KUNST

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Gage published in 1648 in London an account ofhis residence and voyages; I have only a French versionof his work at hand, printed in Amsterdam, in 1721.The passages cited are re-translated from that languageand, therefore, will not agree word for word with theoriginal text.

[2] Gage’s “Voyages,” Part 3, ChapterII.

[3] It seems proper to add here, that three yearsafter Guatemala had declared her independence of Spain,she abrogated slavery by decree of April 17, 1824.Thereby she got, by the way, into difficulties withGreat Britain, which as late as in 1840 demanded theextradition of slaves run away from the adjacent Britishterritory of Balize. Guatemala was by men-of-warsent to her coast forced to do so, though that wascontrary to her constitution.

[4] Within the last decades, some Negroes have beenbrought over, from the United States, to the bananaplantations of United Fruit Co., near the Atlanticcoast, and occasionally, though very seldom, one meetswith a black newcomer from Jamaica, Barbadoes, orother West Indian islands.

DOCUMENTS

TRAVELERS’ IMPRESSIONS OF SLAVERY IN AMERICA FROM 1750 TO 1800

From these writers, almost all of whom were foreigners,one would naturally expect such a portraiture of slaveryas persons unaccustomed to the institution would give.Most Americans, of course, considered the institutionas belonging to the natural order of things and, therefore,hardly ever referred to it except when they mentionedit unconsciously. Foreigners, however, as soonas they came into this new world began to comparethe slaves with the lowest order of society in Europe.Finding the lot of the bondmen so much inferior tothat of those of low estate in European countries,these travelers frequently made some interesting comparisons.We are indebted to them for valuable information whichwe can never hope to obtain from the literature ofan essentially slaveholding people. Here we seehow the American Revolution caused a change for thebetter in the condition of the Negroes in certain States,and how the rigorousness of slavery continued in theothers. We learn too what enlightened Negroesthought about their state and what the white man believedshould be done to prevent their reaching the pointof self-assertion. That a large number of anti-slaveryAmericans were advocating and effecting the emancipationof slaves appears throughout these documents.

BURNABY’S VIEW OF THE SITUATION IN VIRGINIA

Speaking of Virginia, he said: “Their authorityover their slaves renders them vain and imperious,and entire strangers to that elegance of sentiment,which is so peculiarly characteristic of refined andpolished nations. Their ignorance of mankindand of learning, exposes them to many errors and prejudices,especially in regard to Indians and Negroes, whomthey scarcely consider as of human species; so thatit is almost impossible in cases of violence, or evenmurder, committed upon those unhappy people by anyof the planters, to have delinquents brought to justice:for either the grand jury refuse to find the bill,or the petit jury bring in the verdict of not guilty.”—­AndrewBurnaby, “Travels,” 1759, p. 54.

GENERAL TREATMENT OF SLAVES AMONG THE ALBANIANS—­CONSEQUENT ATTACHMENT OFDOMESTICS.—­REFLECTIONS ON SERVITUDE BY AN AMERICAN LADY

In the society I am describing, even the dark aspectof slavery was softened into a smile. And I must,in justice to the best possible masters, say, thata great deal of that tranquility and comfort, to callit by no higher name, which distinguished this societyfrom all others, was owing to the relation betweenmaster and servant being better understood here thanin any other place. Let me not be detested asan advocate for slavery when I say that I think Ihave never seen people so happy in servitude as the

domestics of the Albanians. One reason was, (forI do not now speak of the virtues of their masters,)that each family had a few of them, and that therewere no field negroes. They would remind one ofAbraham’s servants, who were all born in thehouse, which was exactly their case. They werebaptized too, and shared the same religious instructionwith the children of the family; and, for the firstyears, there was little or no difference with regardto food or clothing between their children and thoseof their masters.

When a negro-woman’s child attained the ageof three years, the first New Year’s Day after,it was solemnly presented to a son or daughter, orother young relative of the family, who was of thesame sex with the child so presented. The childto whom the young negro was given immediately presentedit with some piece of money and a pair of shoes; andfrom that day the strongest attachment subsisted betweenthe domestic and the destined owner. I have nowhere met with instances of friendship more tenderand generous than that which here subsisted betweenthe slaves and their masters and mistresses.Extraordinary proofs of them have been often givenin the course of hunting or Indian trading, when ayoung man and his slave have gone to the tracklesswoods, together, in the case of fits of the ague,loss of a canoe, and other casualties happening nearhostile Indians. The slave has been known, atthe imminent risque of his life, to carry his disabledmaster through trackless woods with labour and fidelityscarce credible; and the master has been equally tenderon similar occasions of the humble friend who stuckcloser than a brother; who was baptized with the samebaptism, nurtured under the same roof, and often rockedin the same cradle with himself. These gifts ofdomestics to the younger members of the family, werenot irrevokable: yet they were very rarely withdrawn.If the kitchen family did not increase in proportionto that of the master, young children were purchasedfrom some family where they abounded, to furnish thoseattached servants to the rising progeny. Theywere never sold without consulting their mothers, whoif expert and sagacious, had a great deal to say inthe family, and would not allow her child to go intoany family with whose domestics she was not acquainted.These negro-women piqued themselves on teaching theirchildren to be excellent servants, well knowing servitudeto be their lot or life, and that it could only besweetened by making themselves particularly useful,and excellent in their departments. If they didtheir work well, it is astonishing, when I recollectit, what liberty of speech was allowed to those activeand prudent mothers. They would chide, reprove,and expostulate in a manner that we would not endurefrom our hired servants; and sometimes exert fullyas much authority over the children of the familyas the parents, conscious that they were entirely intheir power. They did not crush freedom of speech

and opinion in those by whom they knew they were beloved,and who watched with incessant care over their interestand comfort. Affectionate and faithful as thesehome-bred servants were in general, there were someinstances (but very few) of those who, through levityof mind, or a love of liquor or finery, betrayed theirtrust, or habitually neglected their duty. Inthese cases, after every means had been used to reformthem, no severe punishments were inflicted at home.But the terrible sentence, which they dreaded worsethan death, was past—­they were sold toJamaica. The necessity of doing this was bewailedby the whole family as a most dreadful calamity, andthe culprit was carefully watched on his way to New-York,lest he should evade the sentence by self-destruction.

One must have lived among those placid and humanepeople to be sensible that servitude, hopeless, endlessservitude, could exist with so little servility andfear on the one side, and so little harshness or evensternness of authority on the other. In Europe,the footing on which service is placed in consequenceof the corruptions of society, hardens the heart,destroys confidence, and embitters life. The deceitand venality of servants not absolutely dishonest,puts it out of one’s power to love or trustthem. And if, in hopes of having people attachedto us, who will neither betray our confidence, norcorrupt our children, we are at pains to rear themfrom childhood, and give them a religious and moraleducation; after all our labour, others of their ownclass seduce them away to those who can afford topay higher for their services. This is not thecase in a few remote districts. Where surroundingmountains seem to exclude the contagion of the world,some traces of fidelity and affection among domesticsstill remain. But it must be remarked, that, inthose very districts, it is usual to treat inferiorswith courtesy and kindness, and to consider thosedomestics who marry out of the family as holding akind of relation to it, and still claiming protection.In short, the corruption of that class of people is,doubtless, to be attributed to the example of theirsuperiors. But how severely are those superiorspunished? Why this general indifference abouthome; why are the household gods, why is the sacredhearth so wantonly abandoned? Alas! the charmof home is destroyed, since our children, educatedin distant seminaries, are strangers in the paternalmansion; and our servants, like mere machines, moveon their mercenary track without feeling or excitingone kind or generous sentiment. Home, thus despoiledof all its charms, is no longer the scene of any enjoymentsbut such as wealth can purchase. At the same timewe feel there a nameless cold privation, and consciousthat money can coin the same enjoyments with morevariety elsewhere, we substitute these futile andevanescent pleasures for that perennial spring of calmsatisfaction, “without o’erflowing full,”which is fed by the exercise of the kindly affections,and soon indeed must those stagnate where there arenot proper objects to excite them. I have beenforced into this painful digression by unavoidablecomparisons. To return:—­

Amidst all this mild and really tender indulgenceto their negroes, these colonists had not the smallestscruple of conscience with regard to the right bywhich they held them in subjection. Had that beenthe case, their singular humanity would have beenincompatible with continued injustice. But thetruth is, that of law the generality of those peopleknew little; and of philosophy, nothing at all.They sought their code of morality in the Bible, andthere imagined they found this hapless race condemnedto perpetual slavery; and thought nothing remainedfor them but to lighten the chains of their fellowChristians, after having made them such. ThisI neither “extenuate” nor “set downin malice,” but merely record the fact.At the same time it is but justice to record also asingular instance of moral delicacy distinguishingthis settlement from every other in the like circumstances:though, from their simple and kindly modes of life,they were from infancy in habits of familiarity withthese humble friends, yet being early taught thatnature had placed between them a barrier, which itwas in a high degree criminal and disgraceful to pass,they considered a mixture of such distinct races withabhorrence, as a violation of her laws. Thisgreatly conduced to the preservation of family happinessand concord. An ambiguous race, which the lawdoes not acknowledge; and who (if they have any moralsense, must be as much ashamed of their parents asthese last are of them) are certainly a dangerous,because degraded part of the community. How muchmore so must be those unfortunate beings who standin the predicament of the bat in the fable, whom bothbirds and beasts disowned? I am sorry to saythat the progress of the British army, when it arrived,might be traced by a spurious and ambiguous race ofthis kind. But of a mulatto born before theirarrival I only remember a single instance; and fromthe regret and wonder it occasioned, considered itas singular. Colonel Schuyler, of whom I am tospeak, had a relation so weak and defective in capacity,that he never was intrusted with any thing of hisown, and lived an idle bachelor about the family.In process of time a favourite negro-woman, to thegreat offense and scandal of the family, bore a childto him, whose colour gave testimony to the relation.The boy was carefully educated; and when he grew up,a farm was allotted to him well stocked and fertile,but “in depth of woods embraced,” abouttwo miles back from the family seat. A destitutewhite woman, who had somehow wandered from the oldercolonies, was induced to marry him; and all the branchesof the family thought it incumbent on them now andthen to pay a quiet visit to Chalk (for so, for someunknown reason, they always called him). I havebeen in Chalk’s house myself, and a most comfortableabode it was; but considered him as a mysterious andanomalous being.

I have dwelt the longer on this singular instanceof slavery, existing devoid of its attendant horrors,because the fidelity and affection resulting froma bond of union so early formed between master andservant, contributed so very much to the safety ofindividuals, as well as the general comfort of society,as will hereafter appear.—­“Memoirsof An American Lady with Sketches of Manners and CustomsIn America as they existed previous to the Revolution,”Chapter VII, pp. 26-32, by Mrs. Anne Grant.

IMPRESSIONS OF AN ENGLISH TRAVELER

“As I observed before, at least two thirds ofthe inhabitants are negroes....

“It is fortunate for humanity that these poorcreatures possess such a fund of contentment and resignationin their minds; for they indeed seem to be the happiestinhabitants in America, notwithstanding the hardnessof their fare, the severity of their labour, and theunkindness, ignominy, and often barbarity of theirtreatment.”—­J.F.D., “A Tourin the United States of America, containing an accountof the present situation of that country”;London, 1784, p. 39.

ABBE ROBIN ON CONDITIONS IN VIRGINIA

“The population of Virginia is computed at onehundred fifty thousand whites and five hundred thousandnegroes. There is a still greater disproportionbetween the whites and blacks in Maryland, where thereare not more than twenty thousand whites and at leasttwo hundred thousand negroes. The English importedinto these two provinces between seven and eight thousandyearly. Perhaps the lot of these slaves is notquite so hard as that of the negroes in the islands;their liberty, it is true, is irreparably lost inboth places, but here they are treated with more mildness,and are supported upon the same kind of food with theirmasters; and if the earth which they cultivate, ismoistened with their sweat, it has never been knownto blush with their blood. The American, not atall industrious by nature, is considerate enough notto expect too much from his slave, who in such circumstances,has fewer motives to be laborious for himself.”—­AbbeRobin, “New Travels through North Americain a series of letters,” Boston, 1784, p.48.

OBSERVATIONS OF ST. JOHN DE CREVECOEUR

“There, arranged like horses at a fair, theyare branded like cattle, and then driven to toil,to starve and to languish for a few years on the differentplantations of those citizens.

“If negroes are permitted to become fathers,this fatal indulgence only tends to increase theirmisery.... How many have I seen cursing the irresistiblepropensity, and regretting that by having tasted ofthose joys, they had become the authors of doublemisery to their wives.... Their paternal fondnessis embittered by considering that if their childrenlive, they must live to be slaves like themselves:no time is allowed them to exercise their pious offices,the mothers must fasten them on their backs, and,with the double load follow their husbands in the fields,where they too often hear no other sound than thatof the voice or whip of the taskmaster, and the criesof their infants, broiling in the sun.... It issaid, I know, that they are much happier here thanin the West Indies; because land being cheaper uponthis continent than in those Islands, the field allowedthem to raise their subsistence from, are in generalmore extensive.

“... We have slaves likewise in our northernprovinces; I hope the time draws near when they willbe all emancipated; but how different their lot, howdifferent their situation, in every possible respect!They enjoy as much liberty as their masters, theyare as well clad, and as well fed; in health and sicknessthey are tenderly taken care of; they live under thesame roof, and are, truly speaking, a part of our families.Many of them are taught to read and write, and arewell instructed in the principles of religion; theyare the companions of our labours, and treated as such;they enjoy many perquisites, many established holidays,and are not obliged to work more than white people.They marry when their inclination leads them; visittheir wives every week; are as decently clad as thecommon people; they are indulged in education, cherishingand chastising their children, who are taught subordinationto them as to their lawful parents; in short, theyparticipate in many of the benefits of our societywithout being obliged to bear any of its burdens.They are fat, healthy, and hearty, and far from repiningat their fate; they think themselves happier than manyof the lower class whites: they share with theirmaster the wheat and meat provision, they help toraise; many of those whom the good Quakers have emancipated,have received that great benefit with tears of regret,and have never quitted, though free, their formermasters and benefactors.”—­St. Johnde Crevecoeur, “Letters from an American Farmer,1782,” pp. 226 et seq.

IMPRESSIONS OF JOHANN D. SCHOEPF

“The condition of the Carolina negro slavesis in general harder and more troublous than thatof their northern brethren. On the rice plantations,with wretched food, they are allotted more work andmore tedious work; and the treatment which they experienceat the hands of the overseers and owners is capriciousand often tyrannical. In Carolina (and in no otherof the North American states) their severe handlinghas already caused several uprisings among them.There is less concern here as to their moral betterment,education, and instruction, and South Carolina appearslittle inclined to initiate the praiseworthy and benevolentordinances of its sister states in regard to the negro.It is sufficient proof of the bad situation in whichthese creatures find themselves here that they do notmultiply in the same proportions as the white inhabitants,although the climate is more natural to them and agreeswith them better. Their numbers must be continuallykept up by fresh importations; to be sure, the constanttaking up of new land requires more and more workinghands, and the pretended necessity of bringing inadditional slaves is thus warranted in part; but closeinvestigation makes it certain that the increase ofthe blacks in the northern states, where they arehandled more gently, is vastly more considerable.

The gentlemen in the country have among their negroesas the Russian nobility among the serfs, the most necessaryhandicrafts-men, cobblers, tailors, carpenters, smiths,and the like, whose work they command at the smallestpossible price or for nothing almost. There ishardly any trade or craft which has not been learnedand is not carried on by negroes, partly free, partlyslave; the latter are hired out by their owners forday’s wages. Charleston swarms with blacks,mulattoes and mestizos; their number greatly exceedsthat of the whites, but they are kept under strictorder and discipline, and the police has a watchfuleye upon them. These may nowhere assemble morethan 7 male negro slaves; their dances and other assembliesmust stop at 10 o’clock in the evening; withoutpermission of their owners none of them may sell beeror wine or brandy. There are here many free negroesand mulattoes. They get their freedom if by theirown industry they earn enough to buy themselves off,or their freedom is given them at the death of theirmasters or in other ways. Not all of them knowhow to use their freedom to their own advantage; manygive themselves up to idleness and dissipation whichbring them finally to crafty deceptions and thievery.They are besides extraordinarily given to vanity,and love to adorn themselves as much as they can andto conduct themselves importantly.”

—­Johann D. Schoepf, “Travels inthe Confederation,” 1784, p. 220.

EXTRACTS FROM ANBUREY’S TRAVELS THROUGH NORTH AMERICA

“Thus the whole management of the plantationis left to the overseer, who as an encouragement tomake the most of the crops, has a certain portion ashis wages, but not having any interest in the negroes,any further than their labour, he drives and whipsthem about, and works them beyond their strength,and sometimes till they expire; he feels no loss intheir death, he knows the plantation must be supplied,and his humanity is estimated by his interest, whichrises always above freezing point.

“It is the poor negroes who alone work hard,and I am sorry to say, fare hard. Incredibleis the fatigue which the poor wretches undergo, andthat nature should be able to support it; there certainlymust be something in their constitutions, as wellas their color, different from us, that enables themto endure it.

“They are called up at day break, and seldomallowed to swallow a mouthful of homminy, or hoe cake,but are drawn out into the field immediately, wherethey continue at hard labour, without intermission,till noon, when they go to their dinners, and areseldom allowed an hour for that purpose; their mealsconsist of hominy and salt, and if their master isa man of humanity, touched by the finer feelings oflove and sensibility, he allows them twice a weeka little skimmed milk, fat rusty bacon, or salt herring,to relish this miserable and scanty fare. The

man at this plantation, in lieu of these, grants hisnegroes an acre of ground, and all Saturday afternoonto raise grain and poultry for themselves. Afterthey have dined, they return to labor in the field,until dusk in the evening; here one naturally imaginesthe daily labor of these poor creatures was over, notso, they repair to the tobacco houses, where each hasa task of stripping allotted which takes them up somehours, or else they have such a quantity of Indiancorn to husk, and if they neglect it, are tied up inthe morning, and receive a number of lashes from thoseunfeeling monsters, the overseers, whose masters sufferthem to exercise their brutal authority without constraint.Thus by their night task, it is late in the eveningbefore these poor creatures return to their secondscanty meal, and the time taken up at it encroachesupon their hours of sleep, which for refreshment offood and sleep together can never be reckoned to exceedeight.

“When they lay themselves down to rest, theircomforts are equally miserable and limited, for theysleep on a bench, or on the ground, with an old scantyblanket, which serves them at once for bed and covering,their cloathing is not less wretched, consisting ofa shirt and trowsers of coarse, thin, hard, hempenstuff, in the Summer, with an addition of a very coarsewoolen jacket, breeches and shoes in Winter. Butsince the war, their masters, for they cannot getthe cloathing as usual, suffer them to go in rags,and many in a state of nudity.

“The female slaves share labor and repose justin the same manner, except a few who are term’dhouse negroes, and are employed in household drugery.

“These poor creatures are all submission toinjuries and insults, and are obliged to be passive,nor dare they resist or defend themselves if attacked,without the smallest provocation, by a white person,as the law directs the negroe’s arm to be cutoff who raises it against a white person, should itbe only in defence against wanton barbarity and outrage.

“Notwithstanding this humiliating state andrigid treatment to which this wretched race are subject,they are devoid of care, and appear jovial, contentedand happy. It is a fortunate circumstance thatthey possess, and are blessed with such an easy satisfieddisposition, otherwise they must inevitably sink undersuch a complication of misery and wretchedness; whatis singularly remarkable, they always carry out a pieceof fire, and kindle one near their work, let the weatherbe so hot and sultry.

“As I have several times mentioned homminy andhoe-cake, it may not be amiss to explain them:the former is made of Indian corn, which is coarselybroke, and boiled with a few French beans, till itis almost a pulp. Hoe-cake is Indian corn groundinto meal, kneaded into a dough, and baked beforea fire, but as the negroes bake theirs on the hoesthat they work with, they have the appellation ofhoe-cakes. These are in common use among theinhabitants, I cannot say they are palateable, foras to flavor, one made of sawdust would be equallygood, and not unlike it in appearance, but they arecertainly a very strong and hearty food.”

—­Anburey, "Travels throughAmerica during the War,” Vol. 2, pp. 330-5.

VINDICATION OF THE NEGROES: A CONTROVERSY

First let me repeat your longest section relativeto that people.

’Below this class of inhabitants, (the whitesof no property, in Virginia,) we must rank the Negroes,who would be still more to be pitied, if their naturalinsensibility did not in some measure alleviate thewretchedness inseparable from slavery. Seeingthem ill lodged, ill clothed, and often overcome withlabour, I concluded that their treatment had been asrigorous as it is elsewhere. NotwithstandingI have been assured that it is very mild, comparedto what they suffer in the Sugar Colonies. Andindeed one does not hear habitually, as at Jamaicaand St. Domingo, the sound of whips, and the outcriesof the wretched beings, whose bodies are torn piecemeal by their strokes. It is because the peopleof Virginia are commonly milder than those of theSugar Colonies, which consist chiefly of rapaciousmen, eager to amass fortunes, as soon as possible,and return to Europe. The produce of their laboursbeing also less valuable, their tasks are not so rigorouslyexacted, and in justice to both, it must be allowedthat the Negroes themselves are less treacherous andthievish, than they are in the Islands: for thepropagation of the black species being very considerablehere, most of them are born in the country, and itis remarked that these are in general less depravedthan those imported from Africa. Besides, wemust do the Virginians the justice to remark, thatmany of them treat their Negroes with a great dealof humanity, and what is still more to their honor,they appear sorry there are any among them, and areforever talking of abolishing slavery, and fallingupon some other mode of improving their land, &c.

’However this may be, it is fortunate that differentmotives concur to deter mankind from exercising suchtyranny, at least upon their own species, if we cannotsay, strictly speaking, their equals; for themore we observe the Negroes, the more we are convincedthat the difference between us does not lie inthe colour alone, &c.

’Enough upon this subject, which has not escapedthe attention of the politicians and philosophersof the present age: I have only to apologizefor treating it without declamation; but I have alwaysthought, that eloquence can only influence the resolutionsof the moment, and that every thing which requirestime, must be the work of reason. And besides,it will be an easy matter to add ten or twelve pagesto these few reflections, which may be consideredas a concert composed only of principal parts, concorni ad libertum.’

Upon reading this passage attentively, I was surprisedto find it contain a singular mixture of contradictoryprinciples, and in the same breath, the sentimentsof a philosopher and of a colonist; of an advocatefor the Negroes, and of their enemy.

It is evident that as a philosopher, and a friendto humanity, you are inclined to alleviate the lotof the Negroes, and commend those who do so, but thistenderness itself conceals a subtile venom that oughtto be exposed. For you only bestow your pityupon the Negroes, while you owe them, if you are aphilosopher, vindication and defense; you wish theirmasters to be humane; they ought to be just. Insteadof praising such humanity, you ought to have blamedthem for stopping there, in short, such a contemptfor the Negroes pervades this whole article, as willnecessarily encourage their tormentors to rivet theirchains. Is not this contempt observable, forinstance in the very first period?

“Below this class of inhabitants (the meanestwhites of Virginia) we must rank the Negroes, whowould be still more to be pitied, if their naturalinsensibility did not in some measure alleviate thewretchedness inseparable from slavery.”

And who told you, Sir, that nature had created theNegroes with less feeling than other men? do you judgeso because they have vegetated for three centuriesin European fetters, and at this day have not altogethershaken off the horrid yoke? But do not their frequentrisings, and the cruelties they from time to timeretaliate upon their masters, give the lie to thisnatural insensibility? for an insensible being hasno resentment. If he does not feel, how shouldhe remember? Do you think the wretched Indians,who, since the discovery of the New world, are burriedin the mines of Peru, are also naturally insensible,because they suffer patiently?

You calumniate nature in making her grant favoursto particulars; in giving her a system of inequalityamong her offspring. All men are cast in thesame mould.—­The varieties which distinguishindividuals, are the sports of chance, or the resultof different circumstances; but the black comes intothe world with as much sensibility as the white, thePeruvian, as the European.

What then degrades this natural and moral sensibility?The greater or less privation of liberty; in proportionas man loses it, he loses the powers of sensation;he loses the man; he sickens or becomes a brute.It is slavery alone which can reduce a man to a levelwith the brute creation, and sometimes deprives himof all sensibility; but you blame nature, that kindparent, who would have us all equal, free and happy,for the crime of social barbarity, and you pass bythis crime, to extenuate another, to extenuate thehorrid torments of slavery! Not satisfied withviolating nature, by abusing her offspring, even inher name, you encourage slaveholders to torment them.

Do you not arm their tyrants, when you tell them,the insensibility of the Negroes alleviates theirtorments?

What! because greatness of soul raised Sidney abovethe terrors of death, the infernal Jefferies[1] whocaused his execution, was less guilty! because theQuakers appeared insensible to insults, blows, or punishments,they are less to be pitied, and it was right to martyrthem! A dangerous notion, whose consequencesI am sure you would disapprove. If this insensibilitywith which you reproach the Negroes mitigated the crueltyof their masters, it were well: but their tormentorsdo not wish them not to feel; they would have themall feeling, for the pleasure of torturing them; andtheir punishments are increased in proportion to theirinsensibility.

Seeing the Negroes, say you, “Ill lodged, illcloathed, and often overcome with labour, I concludedthat their treatment had been as rigorous as it iselsewhere. Notwithstanding I have been assuredthat it is very mild, compared to what they sufferin the Sugar Colonies.”

Why this comparison, which seems to insinuate a justificationof the Virginians? does a misfortune cease to be such,because there is a greater elsewhere? Was Cartoucheless detestable because Brinvilliers had existed beforehim? Let us not weaken by comparisons the ideaof criminality, nor lessen the attention due to themiserable, this were to countenance the crime.The Negroes are ill lodged, ill cloathed, oppressedwith labour in Virginia: this is the fact, thisis the offence. It matters not whether they areworse treated elsewhere; in whatever degree they areso in Virginia, it is still outrage and injustice.

And again, why are the Negroes of Virginia less cruellytreated? Humanity is not the motive, it is becausecovetousness cannot obtain so much from their labours,as in the Sugar Islands. Was it otherwise, theywould be sacrificed to it here, as well as there;how can we praise such forced humanity? how, on thecontrary, not give vent to all the indignation, whichmust naturally arise in every feeling mind?

“And to do justice to both, you add, if theVirginians are not so severe, it is because the Negroesthemselves are less treacherous and thievish thanin the islands, because the propagation of the blackspecies being very considerable here, most of theNegroes are born in the country, and it is remarked,that these are in general less depraved than thoseimported from Africa.”

Here is a strange confusion of causes and effects,and a strange abuse of words. First let us clearup the facts. Here are some valuable ones forthe cause of the Negroes.

You say they are not so thievish in Virginia, propagatefaster, and are less depraved: Why? Becausethey are less cruelly treated.—­Here is thecause and the effect, you have mistaken one for theother.

We must conclude from this fact, that if the Virginianswere no longer severe, and should treat the blackslike fellow-creatures, they would not be more viciousthan their white servants.

The degree of oppression is the measure of what isimproperly called the viciousness of the slaves.—­Themore cruel their tyrants, the more treacherous, villainousand cruel are the slaves in return—­Can wewonder that Macronius should assassinate his masterTiberius? This viciousness is a punishment thatheaven inflicts upon tyranny.

Can the efforts of a slave for the recovery of hisliberty, be denominated vicious or criminal?From the moment you violate the laws of nature, inregard to them, why should not they shake them offin their relative duties to you? You rob themof liberty, and you would not have them steal yourgold! You whip and cruelly torment them, and expectthem not to struggle for deliverance! You assassinatethem every day, and expect them not to assassinateyou once! You call your outrages, rights, andthe courage which repulses them, a crime! Whata confusion of ideas! what horrid logic!

And you, sir, a humane philosopher! are accessoryto this injustice, by describing the blacks in thestyle of a dealer in human flesh! You call whatare no more than natural consequences of the compressionof the spring of liberty—­treachery, theftand depravation.[2] But can a natural consequencebe criminal? Remove the cause or is it not theonly crime?

For my part, sir, I firmly believe, that the barbaritiescommitted by the Negroes, not merely against theirmasters, but even against others, will be attributedat the bar of eternal justice, to the slaveholders,and those infamous persons employed in the Guineatrade. I firmly believe, that no human justicehas the right of putting a Negro slave to death forany crime whatever, because not being free, he isnot sui juris, and should be regarded as a child oran idiot, being almost always under the lash.I believe that the real criminal, the cause of thecrime, is the man who first seized him, sold him,or enslaved him.—­And if ever I should fallunder the knife of an unhappy runaway, I would notresent it upon him but upon those white men who keepblacks in slavery. I would tell them, your crueltytowards your Negroes, has endangered my life—­theyexecrate you, they take me for a tyrant because Iam white like you, and the vengeance due to your crimeshas fallen upon me.

God forbid, however, that I should undertake to encouragethe blacks to take up arms against their masters!God forbid, however, that I should undertake to justifythe excesses to which their resentments have sometimeshurried them, and which have often fallen on personswho were not accessary to their wretchedness!The slavery under which they groan, must be abolishedby peaceable means; and thanks to the active spiritof benevolence which animates the Quakers, the piousundertaking is already begun. In most of theUnited States of America, the yoke has been takenfrom their necks; in others the Guinea-trade has beenprohibited. Societies have been formed both atParis and London, to collect and circulate informationupon this interesting subject, to induce the Europeangovernments to put a stop to the Negro trade, and providefor their gradual emancipation in the West-India islands:No doubt success will crown their views, and the friendsof liberty will enjoy the satisfaction of communicatingits blessings to the blacks.

But the blacks must wait for the happy moment thatshall restore them to civil life, in silence and inpeace; they must rely upon the unwearied diligenceand zeal of the numerous writers who advocate theircause, and the efforts of the humane to second theirendeavors; they must strive to justify and supportthe arguments that are adduced in their favour, bydisplaying virtue in the very bosom of slavery; theymust endeavour, in a word, to render themselves worthyof liberty, that they may know how to use it whenit shall be restored to them; for liberty itself issometimes a burden, when slavery has stupefied thesoul.

Such blacks, therefore, as are so inconsiderate asto be concerned in insurrections, are guilty of retardingthe execution of the general plan for their emancipation;for the question is not, at the present day, whethera million of slaves ought to be set at liberty, butwhether they can when free, be put into a capacityof providing for the subsistence of themselves andtheir families. Insurrections, far from effectingthis purpose, would destroy the means. Regard,therefore, to their own interests, if there were noother motive, should therefore engage the blacks topatient submission, and no doubt but they will yieldit, if their masters and the ministers of the gospelin particular, to whom the task of comforting andinstructing them, is committed, endeavour to preparethem for approaching freedom.

You sir, have adopted the vulgar notion, that theNegroes born in Virginia, are less depraved than thoseimported from Africa. You call the firmness whichis common in the early stages of their slavery greaterdegeneracy; they are depraved, that is, in yourlanguage—­they are wicked and treacherousto those who have purchased them, or brought them fromtheir own country.—­But in my mind, theyare not depraved, because the acts of violence theirgenius inspires them to revenge themselves upon theirtyrants, are justified by the rights of nature.

And why are those imported, more wicked in your opinion?In mine, more quick, more ardent in their resentments?because, not having forgotten their former situation,they feel their loss the more sensibly; and havingstrong ideas, their resolutions are more firm and theiractions more violent, they not having yet contractedthe habits of slavery.

They soon fall into that degree of apathy and insensibility,which you unjustly believe to be natural to them;that is, in your language, they become less depraved;but I would say that their depravity begins with thisapathy and weakness.—­For depravity is theloss of nature, and the want of those virtues inherentin man, courage and the love of liberty. Our readersmay judge from this article, how strangely writershave wrested words to condemn these unhappy Negroes,and the unfortunate in general.

I do not, however, pretend to say, that the Negroesof Africa are all good, or even that many of themare not depraved. But is this fact to be imputedto them as a personal crime? Ought you not ratherto have ascribed it to the foreign source by whichthey are corrupted. Alike in them and in thewhites, the depravity of man is a consequence of hiswretchedness, and the usurpation of his rights.Wherever he is free and at ease, he is good; whereverthe contrary, he is wicked. Neither his naturenor the climate corrupt him, but the government ofhis country. Now that of the Negroes is almostuniversally despotic, such as must necessarily debaseand corrupt the Negro.

How much is the depravity, occasioned by the governmentof his country, increased by his second slavery, farworse than the first—­for he is no longeramong friends in his native land—­surroundedby the pleasing scenes of his childhood, he is amongmonsters who are going to live by, and trade in hisblood, and has nothing before his eyes but death, oroppression equivalent to an endless punishment.

How is it possible such horrid prospects should notfire his soul? How, if chance should presenthim with arms and liberty, should he resist usingthem, to put an end to his own existence, or that ofhis tormentors? What white man would be lesscruel in his situation? Truly I think myself ofa humane disposition, that I love my fellow-creaturesand detest the effusion of blood, but if ever a villain,white or black, should snatch me from my freedom,my family, and my friends, should overwhelm me withoutrages and blows, to gratify his caprice, shouldextend his barbarities to my wife and children—­myblood boils at the thought—­perhaps in atransport of revenge.... If such vengeance wouldbe lawful in me, what makes the Negro more guilty?Why should that be called wickedness and depravityin him, which would be stiled virtue in me, in you,in every white man? Are not my rights the sameas his? Is not nature our common parent?God his father as well as mine? His consciencean infallible guide as well as mine? Let us thenno longer make other laws for the blacks than thosewe are bound by ourselves, since Heaven has placedthem on a level with us, has made them like us, sincethey are our brethren and our fellow-creatures.

Here you stop me, you say that the Negro is notour fellow-creature, that he is below the white.

How could so shocking an opinion escape the pen ofa member of the Royal Academy, a writer who wouldbe thought a friend of mankind!

Do not you see the tormentors of St. Domingo, availthemselves of it already, redoubling their strokes,and regarding their slaves as mere machines, likethe Cartesians do the brutes? They are not ourfellow-creatures will they say: a philosopherof Paris has proved it?

What! the blacks our equals! Have not they eyes,ears, a shape, and organs like ours? Does naturefollow another order, other laws for them?—­Havenot they speech, that peculiar characteristic of humanity?But then the colour! What of that? Are thepale white Albinos, the olive or copper coloured Indiansalso of different species! Who does not know thatcolour is accidental. They are not our equals!Have not they the same faculties—­reason,memory, imagination? Yes, you reply, but theyhave written no books. Who told you so?Who told you there were no learned blacks? Andsupposing it were so, if none but authors are men,the whole human race is different from us.

Shall I tell you why there are no authors or men oflearning among the Negroes? What has made youwhat you are? Education and circumstances!—­Nowwhere are the Negroes favoured by either? Considerthem wherever they are to be found.—­InAfrica, wretchedly enslaved by domestic tyrants; inour islands perpetual martyrs; in the southern UnitedStates, the meanest of slaves; in the northern, domestics;in Europe, universally contemned, every where proscribed,like the Jews; in a word, every where in a state ofdebasement.

I have been told that there are blacks of propertyin the northern parts of America; but these, likethe other settlers, are no more than sensible farmersor traders.—­There are no authors[3] amongthem, because there are few rich and idle people inAmerica.

What spring of action could raise a Negro from hisdebased condition? the road to glory and honor isimpassible to him: What then should he writefor? Besides, the blacks have reason to detestthe sciences, for their oppressors cultivate thembut they do not make them better.

Shall we say that the Indians or Arabs are not ourequals, because they despise both our arts and oursciences? or the Quakers, because they neither respectacademies nor wits?

In short, if you will deny the Negroes souls, energy,sensibility, gratitude or beneficence, I oppose youto yourself, I might quote your own anecdote of Mr.Langdon’s Negro, and abundance of other wellknown facts in favour of the blacks. You mayfind some striking ones in the Abbe Raynals’philosophical history. One of them would havebeen sufficient. The Negro who killed himselfwhen his master who had injured him was in his power,was superior to Epictetus, and the existence of a singleNegro of so sublime a character, ennobles all hiskind.

But how could you judge whether the blacks were differentfrom the whites, who saw them only in a state of slaveryand wretchedness? Do we estimate beauty by thefigure of a Laplander? magnanimity by the soul of acourtier? or intelligence by the stupidity of an Esquimaux?

If the traces of humanity were so much weakened andeffaced in the Negroes, that you did not recognizethem, I conclude not that they do not belong to ourspecies, but that they must have been cruelly tormentedto reduce them to this state of degeneracy. Ido not conclude that they are not men, but that theEuropeans who kidnap the blacks, are not worthy ofthe name.

You consider what precautions it may be necessaryto take to avoid the danger which might attend a generalemancipation of the Negroes.

I shall not now enter into a discussion of this nicequestion, but reserve it for another work: yetI must say in a word, that the Negroes will neverbe our friends, will never be men, until they are possessedof all our rights, until we are upon an equality.Civil liberty is the boundary between good and evil,order and disorder, happiness and misery, ignoranceand knowledge. If we would make the Negroes worthyof us, we must raise them to our level by giving themthis liberty.

Thus, the chief inconvenience you expect will followthe emancipation of the Negroes, may be avoided; thatalthough free, they will remain a distinct species,a distinct and dangerous body.

This objection will vanish when we intermix with them,and boldly efface every distinction. Unless thisis the case, I foresee torrents of blood spilt andthe earth disputed between the whites and blacks, asAmerica was between the Europeans and Savages.

Perhaps, and it is no extravagant idea—­perhapsit might be more prudent, more humane, to send theblacks back again to their native country, settlethem there, encourage their industry, and assist themto form connections with Europe and America.The celebrated doctor Fothergill conceived this plan,and the society for the abolition of slavery, at London,have carried it into execution at Sierra Leone.Time and perseverance, will discover the policy andutility of this settlement. If it should succeed,the blacks will quit America insensibly, and SierraLeone become the centre from whence general civilizationwill spread over all Africa.

Perhaps, sir, you will place these thoughts upon theNegroes with those declamations you are pleased toridicule: But what is the epithet of declaimerto me, if I am right, if I make an impression uponmy readers, if I cause remorse into the breast ofa single slave-holder; in a word, if I contributeto accelerate the general impulse toward liberty.

You disapprove the application of eloquence to thissubject; you think nothing can affect it but exertionsof cool reason. What is eloquence but the languageof reason and sensibility? When man is oppressed,he struggles, he complains, he moves our passions,and bears down all opposition. Such eloquencecan perform wonders, and should be employed by thosewho undertake to plead the cause of the unfortunatewho spend their days in continual agony, or he willmake no impression.—­I do not conceive howany man can display wit instead of feeling, upon thisdistracting subject, amuse with an antithesis, insteadof forcible reasoning, and only dazzle where he oughtto warm. I have no conception how a sensible andthinking being, can see a fellow-creature torturedand torn to pieces, perhaps his poor wife bathed intears, with a wretched infant sucking her shriveledbreast at his side; I say I have no conception howhe can behold such a sight, with indifference; how,unagonized and convulsed with rage and indignation,he can have the barbarity to descend to jesting!Notwithstanding, your observations upon the Negroes,conclude with a jest.

It will be an easy matter, say you, to add ten ortwelve pages to these few reflections, which may beconsidered as a concert, composed only of principalparts, “con corni ad Libertum.”

I hope there is nothing cruel, because there is nothingstudied in this connection, this inconsiderate manner:but how could such a comparison come into the headof a man of feeling? It is the sad effect of wit,as I said before; it contracts the soul. Everglancing over agreeable objects, it is unfeeling whenintruded upon by wretchedness—­uneasy toobliterate the shocking idea, and elude the groansof nature, it rids itself of both by a jest.The humane Benezet would never have connected thisidea of harmony with the sound of a Negro driver’swhip.

Having proved that you have wronged the Quakers andthe Negroes, I shall proceed to shew that you haveequally injured mankind and the people.—­CriticalExamination of the Marquis de Chastellux’s Travelsin North-America, 1782. Translated from the Frenchof Jean P. Verre Brissot de Warville, 1788, pp.51-63.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] This Jefferies was the most infamous Chief Justicethat ever existed in England. Charles II. andJames II. well acquainted with his talents for chicane,his debauchery and blood-thirstiness, his basenessand his crimes, made use of him to exterminate, withthe sword of law, all those worthy men who defendedthe constitution from their tyranny.

I often quote the History of England; unhappily forus it is too little known in France.

[2] Most authors who have not studied the rights ofmen, fall into this error. I have remarked elsewhere(Vol. II of the Journ. du Licee, No. 4,page 222) that a writer, who, notwithstanding, deservesour esteem, for having written against the despotismof the Turkish government, has suffered himself tobe drawn into it. M. le Baron de Tott says thatthe Moldavians are thievish, mean and faithless.To translate these words into the language of truth,we must say, the Turks, the masters of the Moldavians,are unjust, robbers, villains, and tyrants; and thatthe Moldavians revenge themselves by opposing deceitto oppression, etc. Thus, the people arealmost everywhere wrongfully accused.

[3] There was, however, a Negro author at London,whose productions are not without merit, and werelately published in two volumes. His name wasIgnatius Sancho. He wrote in the manner of Sterne.

SUR L’ETAT GENERAL, LE GENRE D’INDUSTRIE, LES MOEURS, LE CARACTERE, ETC.DES NOIRS, DANS LES ETATS-UNIS

“Dans les quatre etats du nord et dans ceuxdu midi, les noirs libres sont, ou domestiques, outiennent de petites boutiques, ou cultivent la terre.Vous en voyez quelques-unes sur les batimens destinesau cabotage. Peu osent se hasarder sur les vaisseauemployes aux voyages de long cours, parce qu’ilscraignent d’etre transportes et vendus dans lesiles.—­Au physique, tous ces noirs sontgeneralement vigoureux,[1] d’une forte constitution,capables des travaux les plus penibles; ils sont generalementactifs.—­Domestiques, ils sont sobres etfideles.—­Ce portrait s’applique auxfemmes de cette couleur.—­Je n’ai vufaire aucune distinction entr’eux a cet egardet les domestiques blancs, quoique ces derniers lestraitent toujours avec mepris, comme etant d’uneespece inferieure.—­Ceux qui tiennent desboutiques, vivent mediocrement, n’augmententjamais leurs affaires au-dela d’un certain point.La raison en est simple: quoique partout on traiteles noirs avec humanite, les blancs qui ont l’argent,ne sont pas disposes a faire aux noirs des avances,telles qu’elles les missent en etat d’entreprendrele commerce en grand; d’ailleurs, il faut pource commerce quelques connoissances preliminaires, ilfaut faire un noviciat dans un comptoir, et la raisonn’a pas encore ouvert aux noirs la porte ducomptoir. On ne leur permet pas de s’y asseoira cote des blancs.—­Si donc les noirs sontbornes ici a un petit commerce de detail, n’enaccusons pas leur impuissance, mais le prejuge desblancs, qui leur donnent des entraves. Les memescauses empechent les moirs qui vivent a la compagned’avoir des plantations etendues; celles qu’ilscultivent sont bornees, mais generalement assez biencultivees: de bons habits, une log house,ou maison de bois en bon etat, des enfans plus nombreuxles font remarquer des Europeens voyageurs, et l’oeildu philosophe se plait a considerer ces habitations,ou la tyrannie ne fait point verser de pleurs.Dans cette partie de l’Amerique, les noirs sontcertainement heureux; mais ayons le courage de l’avouer,leur bonheur et leurs talens ne sont pas encore audegre ou ils pourroient atteindre.—­Il existeencoure un trop grand intervalle entre eux et lesblancs, sur-tout dans l’opinion publique, etcette difference humiliante arrete tous les effortsqu’ils feroient pour s’elever. Cettedifference se montre par-tout. Par exemple, onadmet les noirs aux ecoles publiques; mais ils nepeuvent franchir le seuil d’un college.Quoique libres, quoique independans, ils sont toujourseux-memes accoutumes a se regarder comme au-dessousdu blanc; il y a des droits qu’ils n’outpas.[2] Concluons de la qu’on jugeroit mal del’etendue, de la capacite des noirs, en prenantpour base celle des noirs libres dans les etats dunord.

Mais quand on les compare aux noirs, esclaves desetats du midi, quelle prodigieuse difference les separe!Dans le midi, les noirs sont dans un etat d’abjectionet d’abrutissement difficile a peindre.Beaucoup sont nuds, mal nourris, loges dans de miserableshuttes, couches sur la paille.[3] On ne leur donneaucune education; on ne les instruit dans aucune religion;on ne les marie pas, on les accouple; aussi sont ilsavilis, paresseux, sans idees, sans energie.—­Illsne se donneroient aucune peine pour avoir des habits,ou de meilleures provisions; ils aiment mieux porterdes haillons que de les raccommoder. Ills passentle dimanche, qui est le jour du repos, entierementdans l’inaction.—­L’inactionest leur souverain bonheur; aussi travaillent-ilspen et nonchalamment.

Il faut rendre justice a la verite; les Americainsdu midi traitent doucement les esclaves, et c’estun des effets produits par l’extension generaledes idees sur la liberte; l’esclave travaillemoins par-tout; mais on s’est borne la.Il n’en est pas mieux, ni pour la mourriture,ni pour son habillement, ni pour ses moeurs, ni pourses idees; ainsi le maitre perd, sans que l’esclavesacquiere; et s’il suivoit l’exemple desAmericains du nord, tous deux gagneroient au changement.

On a cru generalment jusqu’a ces derniers temps,que les negres avoient moins de capacite morale queles blancs; des auteurs meme estimables l’ontimprime.[4] Ce prejuge commence a disparoitre; lesetats du nord pourroient fournir des exemples du contraire.Je n’en citerai que deux frappans; le premier,prouvera, qu’avec l’instruction, on peutrendre les noirs propres a toutes les professions;le second, que la tete d’un negre est organseepour les calculs les plus etonans, et par consequentpour toutes les sciences.

J’ai vu, dans mon sejour a Philadelphie, unnoir, appele Jacques Derham, medecin, qui exerce dansla Nouvelle-Orleans, sur le Mississippi; et voicison histoire, telle qu’elle m’a ete attesteepar plusieurs medecins.—­Ce noir a ete elevedans une famille de Philadelphie, ou il a appris alire, a ecrire, et ou on l’a instruit dans lesprincipes du christianisme. Dans sa jeunesse,il fut vendu au feu docteur Jean Kearsley le jeune,de cette ville, qui l’employoit pour composerdes medecines, et les administrer a ses malades.

A la mort du docteur Kearsley, il passa dans differentesmains, et il devint enfin l’esclave du docteurGeorge West, chirurgien du seizieme regiment d’Angleterre,sous lequel, pendant la derniere guerre en Amerique,il remplit les fonctions les moins importantes de lamedecine.

A la fin de la guerre, le docteur West le vendit auDocteur Robert Dove, de la Nouvelle-Orleans, qui l’employacomme son second. Dans cette condition, il gagnasi bien la confiance et l’amite de son maitre,que celui-ci consentit a l’affranchir deux outrois ans apres, et a des conditions moderees.—­Derhams’etoit tellement perfectionne dans la medecine,qu’a l’epoque de sa liberte, il fut enetat de la pratiquer avec succes a la Nouvelle-Orleans.—­Ila environ 26 ans; il est marie, mais il n’a pointd’enfans; la medecine lui rapporte 3000 dollars,ou 16000 l. environ par an.

J’ai cause, m’a dit le docteur Wistar,avec lui sur les maladies aigues et epidemiques dupays ou il vit, et je l’ai trouve bien versedans la methode simple, usitee par les modernes pourle traitement de ces maladies.—­Je croyoispouvoir lui indiquer de nouveaux remedes; mais ce futlui qui me les indiqua.—­Il est modeste,et a des manieres tres-engageantes; il parle francoisavec facilite et a quelques connoisances de l’espagnol.—­ Qoique ne dans une famille religieuse,on avoit, par accident, oublie de le faire baptiser.En consequence, il s’est adresse au docteur Withepour recevoir le bapteme; il le lui a confere, apresl’en avoir juge digne, non-seulement par sesconnoisances, mais par son excellente conduite.

Voice l’autre fait, tel qu’il m’aete atteste, et imprime par le docteur Rush,[5] celebremedecin et auteur, etabli a Philadelphie et plusieursdetails m’en ont ete confirmes par l’epousede l’immortel Washington, dans le voisinageduquel ce negre est depuis longtemps.

Son nom est Thomas Fuller; il est ne en Afrique, etne sait ni lire ni ecrire; il a maintenant soixante-dixans, et a vecu toute sa vie sur la plantation de M^{me}Cox, a quatre milles d’Alexandrie. Deuxhabitans respectables de Pensylvanie, MM. Hartshomet Samuel Coates, qui voyageoient en Virginie, ayantappris la facilite singuliere que ce noir avoit pourles calculus les plus compliques, l’envoyerentchercher, et lui firent differentes questions.

Premiere. Etant interroge, combien de secondesil y avoit dans une annee et demie, il repondit endeux minutes, 47,304,000, en comptant 365 jours dansl’annee.

Deuxieme. Combien de secondes auroit vecu unhomme age de soix-ante-dix ans dix-sept jours et douzeheures? Il repondit dans une minute et demie,2,210,500,800.

Un des Americains qui l’interrogeoit et quiverifioit ses calculs avec la plume, lui dit qu’ilse trompoit, que la somme n’etoit pas si considerable;et cela etoit vrai: c’est qu’il n’avoitpas fait attention aux annees bissextiles; il corrigeale calcul avec la plus grande celerite.

Autre question. Supposez un laboureur qui a sixtruies, et que chaque truie en met bas six autresla premiere annee, et qu’elles multiplient dansla meme proportion jusqu’a, l’ fin de lahuiteme annee: combien alors de truies aura lelaboureur, s’il n’en perd aucune?Le vieillard repondit en dix minutes, 34,588,806.

La longueur du temps ne fut occasionee que parce qu’iln’avoit pas d’abord compris la question.

Apres avoir satisfait a toutes les questions, il racontal’origine et les progres de son talent en arithmetique.—­Ilcompta a’abord jusqu’a 10, puis 100; ets’imaginoit alors, disoit-il, etre un habilehomme. Ensuite il s’amusa a compter tousles grains d’un boisseau de ble, et successivementil sut compter le nombre de rails ou morceaux de boisnecessaires pour enclore un champ d’une telleetendue, ou de grains necessaires pour le semer.—­Sa

maitresse avoit tire beaucoup d’advantages deson talen; il ne parloit d’elle qu’avecla plus grande reconnoissance, parce qu’ellene l’avoit jamais voulu vendre, malgre les offresconsiderables qu’on lui avoit faites pour l’acheter.—­Satete commencoit a foiblir.—­Un des Americainslui ayant dit que c’etoit dommage qu’iln’eut pas recu de l’education: Non,maitre, dit-il; il vaut mieux que je n’aie rienappris, car bien des savans ne sont que des sots.

Ces exemples prouveront, sans doute, que la capacitedes negres peut s’etendre a tout; ils n’ontbesoin que d’instruction et de liberte.—­Ladifference qui se remarque entre ceux qui sont libreset instruits et les autres, se montre encore dansleurs travaux.—­Les terres qu’habitentet les blancs et les noirs, soumis a ce regime, sontinfiniment mieux cultivees, produisent plus abondamment,offrent par-tout l’image de l’aisance etdu bonheur; et tel est, par exemple, l’aspectdu Connecticut et de la Pensylvanie.—­Passezdans le Maryland ou la Virginie, encore une fois, vouscroyez etre dans un autre monde. Ce ne sont plusdes plaines bien cultivees, des maisons de campagne,propres et meme elegantes, des vastes granges biendistribuees; ce ne sont plus des troupeaux nombreuxde bestiaux gras et vigoureux: non, tout dansle Maryland et la Virginia, porte l’empreintede l’esclavage; sol brule, culture mal entendue,maisons delabrees, bestiaux petits et peu nombreux,cadavres noirs ambulans; en un mot, vous y voyez unemisere reelle a cote de l’apparence du luxe.

On commence a s’appercevoir, meme dans les etatsmeridionaux, que nourrir mal un exclave est une chetiveeconomie, et que le fonds place dans l’esclavagene rend pas son interet. C’est peut-etreplus a cette consideration, plus encore a l’impossibilitepecuniaire de recruter; c’est plus, dis-je,a ces considerations qu’a l’humanite, qu’ondoit l’introduction du travail libre dans unepartie de la Virginie, dans celle qui avoisine labelle riviere de la Shenadore. Aussi croiroit-on,en la voyant, voir encore la Pensylvanie.

Osons l’esperer, tel sera un jour le sort dela Virginie, quand elle ne sera plus souillee parl’esclavage; et ce terme n’est peut-etrepas eloigne. Il n’y a des esclaves queparce qu’on les croit necessaires a la culturedu tabac, et cette culture decline tous les jours etdoit decliner. Le tabac, qui se ciiltive presde l’Ohio et du Mississippi, est infinimentplus abondant, de meilleure qualite, exige moins detravaux. Quand ce tabac se sera ouvert le cheminde l’Europe, les Virginiens seront obliges decesser sa culture, et de demander a la terre du ble,des pommes de terre, de faire des prairies et d’eleverdes bestiaux. Les Virginiens judicieux prevoientcette revolution, l’anticipent, et se livrenta la culture du ble.—­A leur tete, on doitmettre cet homme etonnant, qui, general adore, eutle courage d’etre republican sincere; qui, couvertde gloire, seul, ne s’en souvient plus; heros

dont la destinee unique sera d’avoir sauve deuxfois sa patrie, de lui ouvrir le chemin de la prosperite,apres avoir ouvert celui de la liberte. Maintenantentierement occupe[6] du soin d’ameliorerses terres, d’en varier le produit, d’ouvrirdes routes, des communications, il donne a ses compatriotesun exemple utile, et qui sans doute sera suivi.Il a cependant, dois-je, le dire? une foule nombreused’esclaves noirs.—­Mais ils sont traitesavec la plus grande humanite. Bien nourris, bienvetus, n’ayant qu’un travail modere a faire,ils benissent sans cesse le maitre que le Ciel leura donne.—­Il est digne sans doute d’uneame aussi elevee, aussi pure, aussi desinteresse, decommencer la revolution en Virginie, d’y preparerl’affranchissement des negres.—­Cegrand homme, lorsque j’eus le bonheur de l’entretenir,m’avoua qu’il admiroit tout ce qui sefaissoit dans les autres etats, qu’il en desiroitl’extension dans son propre pays; mais il neme cacha pas que de nombreux obstacles s’y opposoientencore, qu’il seroit dangereux de heurter defront un prejuge qui commencoit a diminuer.—­Dutemps, de la patience, des lumieres, et on le convaincra,me dit-il. Presque tous les Virginiens, ajoutoit-il,ne croyent pas que la liberte des noirs puisse sitotdevenir generale. Voila pourquoi ils ne veulentpoint former de societe qui puisse donner des ideesdangereuses a leurs esclaves. Un autre obstacles’y oppose. Les grandes proprietes eloignentles hommes, rendent difficiles les assemblees, etvous ne trouverez ici que de grands proprietaires.

Les Virginiens se trompent, lui disois-je; il estevident que tot ou tard les negres obtiendront par-toutleur liberte, que cette revolution s’etendraen Virginie. Il est done de l’interet devos compatriotes de s’y preparer, de tacherde concilier la restitution des droits des negres avecleur propriete. Les Moyens a prendre, pour ceteffet, ne peuvent etre l’ouvrage que d’unesociete, et il est digne du sauveur de l’Ameriqued’en etre le chef, et de rendre la liberte a300,000 hommes malheureux dans son pays. Ce grandhomme me dit qu’il en desiroit la formation,qu’il la seconderoit; mail il ne croyoit pasle moment favorable.—­Sans doute des vuesplus elevees absorboient alors son attention et remplissoientson ame; le destin de l’amerique etoit preta etre remis une seconde fois dans ses mains.

C’est un malheur, n’en doutons pas, semblablesociete n’existe pas dans le Maryland et dansla Virginie; car c’est au zele constant de cellesde Philadelphie et de New-Yorck qu’on doit tousles progres de cette revolution en Amerique, et lanaissance de la societe de Londres.

Que ne puis-je ici vous peindre l’impressiondont j’ai ete frappe en assistant aux seancesde ces trois societes!—­Quelle gravite dansla contenance des membres! quelle simplicite dansleurs discours! quelle candeur dans leurs discussions!quelle bienfaisance! quelle energie dans leur resolution!Chacun s’empressoit d’y prendre part, nonpour briller, mais pour etre utile.—­Avecquelle joie ils apprirent qu’il s’elevoitune societe semblable a la leur dans Paris, dans cettecapitale immense, si celebre en Amerique par l’opulence,le faste, l’influence sur un vaste royaume,et sur presque tous les etats de l’Europe!Avec quel empressement ils publierent cette nouvelledans toutes leurs gazettes, et repandirent partoutla traduction du premier discours lu dans cette societe!Avec quelle joie ils virent dans la liste des membresde cette societe, un nom cher a leurs coeurs, et qu’ilsne prononcent qu’aves attendrissement, et lesnoms d’autres personness connues par leur energieet leur patriotisme! Ils ne doutoient point quesi cette societe s’etendoit, bravoit les obstacles,s’unissoit avec celle de Londres, les lumieresrepandues par elles sur le trafic des negres et surson infamie inutile, n’eclairassent les gouvernmens,et n’en determinassent la suppression.

Ce fut, sans doute, a cet elan de joie et d’espoir,et aux recommendations flatteuses que j’avoisemportees d’Europe, plus qu’a mes foiblestravaux, que je dus l’honneur qu’ils mefirent de m’associer a leur rang.

Ces societes ne se bornerent pas a ces demonstrations;elles nommerent des comites pour m’assisterdans mes travaux; leurs archives me furent ouvertes.

Ces societes bienfaisantes s’occupent maintenantde nouveaux prospects pour consommer leur oeuvre dejustice et d’humanite; elles s’occupenta creer de nouvelles societes dans les etats qui n’enout point; c’est ainsi qu’il vient des’en elever une dans l’etat de Delaware.—­Ellesforment de nouveaux projets pour decourager l’esclavageet le commerce des esclaves.—­Cest ainsique, pour arreter les ventes scandaleuses qui s’enfont encore dans New Yorck,[7] a des encheres publiques,tous les membres se sont engages a ne jamais employerl’officier public, l’huissier-priseurqui presideroit a de pareilles ventes. Mais c’estsur-tout a sauver des mains de la cupidite des esclaves,qu’elle voudroit et ne doit pas retenir, quela societe de Philadelphie est ingenieuse.—­Unesclave est-il maltraite, il trouve dans elle uneprotection assuree et gratuite.—­Un autrea fini son temps, et est toujours detenu; elle reclameses droits.—­Des etrangers amenent des noirs,et ne satisfont pas a la loi; la societe en procurele benefice a ces malheureux negres.—­Undes plus celebres avocats de Philadelphie, dont j’aimea vanter les talents et l’amitie qui nous unit,M. Myers Fisher, lui prete son ministere, presquetoujours avec succes, et tojours avec desinteressement.Cette societe s’est appercue que de nombreuses

assemblees, n’avoient pas d’action, parceque le mouvement se perdoit en se divisant en tropde membres; elle a cree plusiers comites, toujoursen activite; elle sollicite des creations semblablesdans tous les etats; afin que par-tout les loix surl’abolition de la traite et sur l’affranchissementsoient executees; afin que par-tout on presente despetitions aux legislatures, pour obtenir de nouvellesloix pour les cas non prevus. —­Enfin, c’esta cette societe, sand doute, que l’on devraun jour de semblables etablissemens dans le midi.J. P. Brissot, (Warville). —­“NouveauVouage dans les Etats-Unis de l’Amerique Septentrionale,1788,” Tome Second, 31-49.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Les noirs maries font certainement autant d’enfansque les blancs; mais on a remarque que dans les villes,il perissoit plus d’enfans noirs. Cettedifference tient moins a leur nature qu’au defautd’aisance et de soins, sur-tout des medecinset des chirurgiens.

[2] N’y eut-il que l’aversion des blancspour le mariage de leurs filles avec les noirs, ceseul sentiment suffiroit pour avilir ces deniers.Cependant il y a quelques exemples de ces mariages.

Il existe a Pittsbourg sur l’Ohio une blanched’origine francoise, menee a Londres, et enlevee,a l’age de douze ans, par des corsaires qui faisoientmetier d’enlever des enfans, et de les vendreen Amerique pour un temps fixe de leur travail.—­Descirconstances singulieres l’engagerent a epouserun negre qui lui acheta sa liberte, et qui la tirades mains d’un blanc, maitre barbare et libi-dineux,qui avoit tout employe pour la desuire.—­Unemulatresse, sortie de cette union, a epouse un chirurgiende Nantes, etabli a Pittsburg.—­Cette familleest une des plus respectables de cette ville; le negrefait un tres bon commerce, et la maitresse se faitun devoir d’accueillir et de bien traiter lesetrangers, et sur tout les Francois que le hasardamene de ce cote.

Mais on n’a point d’idee d’une pareilleunion dans le nord; elle revolteroit.—­Dansles etablissemens, le long de l’Ohio il y a biendes negresses qui vivent avec des blancs non maries.—­Cependanton m’assura que cette union est regardee demauvais oeil par les negres memes. Si une negressea une-querelle avec une mulatresse, elle lui reproched’etre d’un sang mele.

[3] Le docteur Rush, qui a ete portee de traiter cesnoirs, m’a communique une observation bien importante,et qui prouve combien l’energie morale et intellectuelled’un individu influe sur sa sante et son etatphysique. Il m’a dit qu’il etoitbien plus difficile de traiter et de guerir ces noirsesclaves que les blancs; qu’ils resistoient bienmoins aux maladies violentes ou longues. C’estqu’ils tiennent pen par l’ame a la vie:la vitalite ou le ressort de la vie est presque nuldans eux.

[4] J’ai deja plusieurs fois refute cette opinionet sur-tout dans mon Examen critique des voyages deM. Chatellux. Elle a d’alleurs ete detruitedans une foule d’excellens ouvrages.

[5] Ce medecin est aussi celebre en Amerique, parde bons ecrits politiques. C’est un apotreinfatigable de la liberte.

[6] Il n’etoit pas alors president des Etats-Unis.J’anticipe ici sur plusieurs conversations quej’ai eues avec ce grand homme, et dont je parleraipar la suite.

[7] A l’assemblee de la societe de New-Yorck,du 9 novembre 1787, il a ete arrete qu’on donneroitune medaille d’or pour le meilleur discours quiseroit prononce a l’ouverture du college deNew-Yorck sur l’injustice et la cruaute de latraite des negres, et sur les funestes effets de l’esclavage.

SLAVERY AS SEEN BY HENRY WANSEY

“In this state (He was then at Worcester) theNegroes are free and happy, are electors, but notelected to offices of state; their education, however,is the same as the whites. ... No negro childis suffered to be endentured beyond twenty-four yearsof age.

“We observe a school by the road-side in almostevery parish, and out of it run negro boys and girlsas well as white children, without any distinction.... A road branched off here to our right hand,leading to Albany about 60 miles distant. I nowobserve six or eight negroes working together in afield, well dressed as other people. Notwithstanding,they are here free, and admitted to equal privilegeswith the white people, yet they love to associatewith each other. It is observed that they arenaturally lazier, and will not work so hard as a whiteservant.—­Perhaps, the remembrance of formercompulsive service, may make them place a luxury inidleness. Nor do they yet seem to feel their importancein society; this is a portion of inheritance reservedto the next generation of them. ...

“Came on to Hartford....

Here I staid two days that I might have time to inspectthe woolen manufactory of this place, and attend thedebates of the House of Representatives of this state....Two very interesting subjects were in debate:—­abill brought in to repeal a law, passed in Octoberlast to order ’That the money arising from thesale of their lands, between the Ohio and Lake Erie,should be appropriated to increase the salaries ofthe ministers of the gospel and the masters of schools;’and another bill (for its second reading) ’Toprovide for those poor and sick negroes, who havingbeen freed from slavery might be unprovided for; andthat till the master was exculpated, by receivinga certificate from the state, that negro was dischargedin perfect health, it should be incumbent on the masterto continue to take care of him during sickness, or,at least, pay the expenses of his cure.’I was much pleased to see a legislature extend itshumanity and care so far.

After our breakfast, which was not a very good one,we set off for Elizabeth Town, near which, on theright, is Governor Livingstone’s handsome house.This is six miles from Newark....

I observed several negro houses, (low buildings ofone story) detached from the family house; for theslaves (from their pilfering disposition) are notallowed to sleep in the same houses with their masters.Slavery, although many regulations have been madeto moderate its severity, is not yet abolished inthe New Jerseys....

“Most of the families of New York have blackservants. I should suppose that nearly one fifthof the inhabitants are negroes, most of whom are free,and many in good circumstances.”—­HenryWansey, F.A.S., “The Journal of an excursionto the United States of America in the summer of 1794(Journey from New York to Boston),” pp. 53,57, 58, 67, and 227.

ESCLAVAGE PAR LA ROCHEFOUCAULD-LIANCOURT

Quant a l’esclavage, l’Etat de New-Yorckest un de ceux ou les idees m’ont paru le moinsliberales. Il est donc naturel que les loix quidans tous les pays suivent plus ou moins l’opiniongenerale, manquent aussi de liberalite a cet egard.

On peut concevoir comment dans les Etats du Sud legrand nombre des esclaves rend leur emancipation difficile,et comment cette difficulte d’emancipation donnepretexte a l’opinion de la necessite de loixextremement severes contre eux. Mais dans l’Etatde New-Yorck, ou sur une population de plus de quatrecent mille ames on ne compte pas vingt mille negres;il est impossible de comprendre quels si grands obstaclesl’emancipation peut rencontrer, et sur quoi l’onpeut fonder l’opinion qui’il faut pource petit nombre de negres des loix plus severes quepour les hommes d’une autre couleur.

Quoiqu’il en soit, une loi qui n’est pasplus ancienne que 1788, confirme l’etat d’esclavagepour tout negre, mulatre our metif esclave a l’epoqueou elle a ete rendue; declare esclave tout enfantne ou a naitre d’une femme esclave; autorisela vente des esclaves et les soumet pour les petitscrimes, a un jugement, que l’on peut appelerprevotal, des juges de paix, qui peuvent les condamnera l’emprisonnement ou aux coups de fouet.Un article de cette loi les assuejetit a ce genrede jugement et a cette espece de sentence pour avoirfrappe un blanc, sans faire exception du cas ou leblanc serait l’aggresseur. La faveur dujury est cependant accordee a l’esclave, sile crime dont il est accuse peut emporter peine demort. Il est aussi admis en temoignage dans lesaffaires criminelles ou d’autres negres sontimpliques.

La nouvelle jurisprudence criminelle, fondee sur lesprincipes d’humanite et de justice, ne detruitaucune des dispositions reellement injustes et barbares,contenues dans cette loi. Cependant, les esclavessont generalement traites avec plus de douceur parleurs maitres dans l’Etat de New Yorck, et moinssurcharges de travail que dans les Etats du Midi.Les moeurs prevalent a cet egard sur la rigidite desloix; mais les moeurs y sont aussi, comme dans beaucoupd’autres Etats de l’Amerique, impregnees

d’avidite et d’avarice. Cette dispositionseule y empeche l’abolition de l’esclavage.Elle est frequemment proposee dans la legislature,et jusqu’ici tout moyen, meme preparatoire,y a ete rejette. Quoique la proportion des hommeslibres aux esclaves soit telle que le plus grand nombredes habitans de l’Etat de New-Yorck ne possedepas d’esclaves, le petit nombre de ceux quien possedent sont les plus riches, les plus grandsproprietaires; et, dans l’Etat de New-Yorck commeailleurs, ils ont la principale influence.

Le respect du a la propriete, est l’armeavec laquelle on combat toute proposition que tienta l’affranchissement. J’ai entenduun des hommes de loi les plus eclaires, et dont atout autre egard les opinions sont liberales, soutenirque “ce serait attenter a la proprieteque de declarer libres meme les enfans a naitre desfemmes esclaves, parce que, disait-il, les maitresqui out achete ou herite des esclaves, les possedentdans la confiance que leur issue sera leur proprieteutile et disponible.”

Ainsi, quand on dit en Virginie “qu’onne peut y changer le sort de l’esclavage qu’enexportant a-la-fois tous les negres de l’Etat”;on dit a New-Yorck “qu’on ne peut y pensera abolir l’esclage, ni rien faire de preparatoirea cette intention, sans payer a chaque possesseur d’esclavesle prix actuel de la valeur de ses negres jeunes etvieux, et le prix estime de leur descendance supposee.”C’est sans doute opposer a l’abolitionde l’esclavage tous les obstacles imaginables,c’est se montrer bien ennemi de cette abolition.

Cependant l’obstacle presente par les citoyensde New-Yorck, est moins difficile a vaincre.En admenttant le principe de la necessite d’undedommagement donne aux maitres pour les negres a affranchir,et en evaluant chaque negre a cent trente dollars,la somme totale ne serait que de trois millions dedollars.

Ce prix serait encore susceptible de reduction, parle puissant motif d’interet et d’honneurpublic auquel chaque membre de la societe doit fairedes sacrifices.

La question de la propriete des enfans a naitre netiendrait pas a un quart-d’heure de discussion,si elle etait agitee devant la legislature; enfincet affranchissement qui ne devrait etre fait que pardegres, couterait a l’Etat des sacrifices moinsgrands encore, et dont la succession les rendraitpresqu’imperceptibles aux finances de l’Etat,qui ne pourraient d’ailleurs avoir un plus saintemploi.

A New-Yorck comme ailleurs, l’affranchissementdes negres doit avoir pour but le bonheur de l’Etat,son bon ordre, le bonheur meme des negres qu’onveut affranchir. Un affranchissement trop prompt,trop subitement general, manquerait ces differensbuts de premiere necessite. Je ne repeterai pasici ce que j’ai dit ailleurs a cet egard, etce que tant d’autres ont dit avant moi.La depense pour l’Etat serait donc reduite ade bien petites sommes, en les comparant avec l’utilite

et le devoir de cette operation. Mais tant quel’Etat de New-Yorck, entoure des exemples duConnecticut, du Massachusetts et de Pensylvanie, nefait rien qui conduise a cette liberation, tant qu’ilsemble approuver par le silence ou les refus de salegislature, la permanence de l’esclavage, illaisse sa constitution et ses loix fletries d’unetache que l’on peut, sans exageration, diredeshonorante, puisqu’elle ne peut etre excusee,ni palliee, par aucune des circonstances ou se trouvecet Etat.

L’importation dans l’Etat de New-Yorckd’esclaves etrangers est prohibee par la memeloi qui confirme l’esclavage de ceux qui y existaienta l’epoque ou elle a ete rendue; ainsi cettedisposition de la loi, et la maniere douce dont sonttraites les esclaves en general, confirment dans l’opinionque l’interet pecuniaire, plus qu’une veritableapprobation de l’esclavage empeche la legislaturede New-Yorck, de proceder a cet egard avec la justiceet les lumieres qui dirigent generalement ses deliberations.—­“Voyagedans Les Etats-Unis D’Amerique.” Faiten 1795, 1796 et 1797. Par La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt.Tome Septieme, 114-119.

OBSERVATIONS SUR L’ESCLAVAGE PAR LA ROCHEFOUCAULD-LIANCOURT

Il est natural de supposer qu’un negre esclave,fatigue de travail depuis le commencement de l’anneejusqu’a la fin, oblige, sous peine du fouet,d’aller aux champs, qu’il soit ou non enetat de sante, ne voye dans la liberte que la facultede ne plus travailler. Tant qu’il etaitesclave, il etait plus ou moins mal nourri, mais ill’etait sans aucun soin de sa part, et sansqu’un travail plus assidu, plus actif, lui valutune meilleure nourriture ou un meilleur nourritureou un meilleur vetement. Le travail n’etaitdonc pour lui qu’une peine, sans etre jamaisun moyen de bien etre, il est donc, il doit donc etreparesseux et imprevoyant. Il jouit des premiersmomens de sa liberte, en ne travaillant point, carle fouet ne claque plus a ses oreilles; les besoinsse font sentir; aucune education ne lui a ete donneeque celle de l’esclavage, qui enseigne a tromper,a voler, comme a mentir; il cherche a satisfaire sesbesoins, auxquels son travail n’a pas pourvu,en derobant quelques bleds, quelques provisions ases voisins; il devient receleur des negres esclaves.

Tout cela peut et doit etre, mais ne doit degouterde l’affranchissement progressif des negresque ceux ne veulent pas penser qu’avec des soinspreparatoires, et sur-tout des soins genereux qui auraientpour objet une emancipation generale successive, approprieeau nombre des negres dans le pays, et a plusieursautres circonstances, la plus grande quantite de cesinconveniens serait evitee, et le serait totalementpour la generation future si elle ne pouvait l’etrepour la presente. Mais comment esperer une philanthropiesi prevoyante de ceux qui ne voyent que leur interetdu moment, et qui le croyent blesse.

Dans L’Etat de Maryland les esclaves sont jugespar les memes tribunaux que les blancs, et comme euxpar l’arbitrage des juris. Les punitionspour les noirs sont plus severes; mais les moeurssont douces au moins dans la partie du Maryland ouje suis a present, et elles prevalent sur la rigueurdes loix. J’ai ete temoin d’un faitqui prouve que l’humanite des juges et le desirde rendre une exacte justice les occupent pour lesaccuses esclaves, comme pour les blancs. Unenegresse est en prison, accusee d’avoir vouluempoisonner sa maitresse et d’avoir empoisonneun enfant. Sa maitresse est son accusatrice.C’est une femme d’une bonne reputationdans le pays, appartenant a une famille tres-etenduedans le comte, et y ayant d’ailleurs beaucoupd’influence; les juges craignant l’effetde cette influence sur les juris, ont profite de lafaculte qu’ils out de renvoyer le jugement ala cour generale du district qui se tient a soixantemilles de Chester, pour donner a l’accusee toutela chance possible d’un jugement sain et impartial.

Il n’y a encore aucune mesure prise en Marylandpour l’affranchissement progressif des esclaves.Quelques hommes bien intentionnees esperent amenerla legislature dans peu de temps a une demarche a cetegard, mais l’opinion du pays n’y semblepas dispossee. —­“Voyage dans LesEtats-Unis D’Amerique.” Par La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt.Tome Sixieme, 69-71.

Les negres libres se trouvent assez facilement pourle travail des champs. Us coutent quatre-vingtdollars par an. Les negres esclaves se louenta cinquante. Quelques planteurs preferent desouvriers blancs et des negres libres aux esclaves;ils ont moins d’embarras et plus de profit.Les vaches se vendent ici de quinze a vingt dollars,les boeufs quarante, les chevaux pour le labour cent;ceux pour la voiture coutent souvent six cents dollarsla paire. Le comte de Kent, dont Chester est lecheflieu, contient treize mille habitans, dont cinqmille six cents sont negres esclaves; il fournit peude betail aux marches de Baltimore et de Philadelphie.Presque tout ce qu’il produit dans ce genreest consomme dans son enciente.—­“Voyagedans Les Etats-Unis D’Amerique.”Par La Rouchefoucauld-Liancourt. Tome Sixieme,79-80.

WHAT ISAAC WELD OBSERVED IN SLAVE STATES

“The principal planters in Virginia have nearlyevery thing they can want on their estates. Amongstthe slaves are found tailors, shoe-makers, carpenters,smiths, turners, wheelwrights, weavers, tanners, etc.I have seen patterns of excellent coarse woolen clothmade in the country by slaves, and a variety of cottonmanufacturers, amongst the rest good nankeen.Cotton grows here extremely well; the plants are oftenkilled by frost in winter, but they always produceabundantly the first year in which they are sown.The cotton from which nankeen is made is of a particularkind naturally of a yellowish color.

“The large estates are managed by stewards andoverseers, the proprietors just amusing themselveswith seeing what is going forward. The work isdone wholly by slaves, whose numbers are in this partof the country more than double that of white persons.The slaves on the large plantations are in generalvery well provided for, and treated with mildness.During three months nearly, that I was in Virginia,but two or three instances of ill treatment towardsthem came under my observation. Their quarters,the name whereby their habitations are called, areusually situated one or two hundred yards from thedwelling house, which gives appearance of a villageto the residence of every plantation in Virginia; whenthe estate, however, is so large as to be dividedinto several farms, then separate quarters are attachedto the house of the overseer on each farm. Adjoiningtheir little habitations, the slaves commonly havesmall gardens and yards of poultry, which are allof their property; they have ample time to attend totheir own concerns, and their gardens are generallyfound well stocked, and their flocks of poultry numerous.Besides the food they raise for themselves, they areallowed liberal rations of salted pork and Indian corn.Many of their little huts are comfortably furnished,and they are themselves, in general, extremely wellclothed. In short their condition is by no meansso wretched as might be imagined. They are forcedto work certain hours in the day; but in return theyare clothed, dieted, and lodged comfortably, and savedall anxiety about provision for their offspring.Still, however, let the condition of the slave bemade ever so comfortable, as long as he is consciousof being the property of another man, who has it inhis power to dispose of him according to the dictatesof caprice; as long as he hears people around himtalking about the blessings of liberty, and considersthat he is in a state of bondage, it is not to be supposedthat he can feel equally happy with the freeman.It is immaterial under what form slavery presentsitself, whenever it appears there is ample cause forhumanity to weep at the sight, and to lament thatmen can be found so forgetful of their own situations,as to live regardless of the blessings of their fellowcreatures.

“With respect to the policy of holding slavesin any country, on account of the depravity of moralswhich it necessarily occasions, besides the many otherevil consequences attendant upon it, so much has alreadybeen said by others, that it is needless here to makecomments on the subject.

“The number of the slaves increases most rapidly,so that there is scarcely any state but what is overstocked.This is a circumstance complained of by every planteras the maintenance of more than are requisite for theculture of the estate is attended with great expense.Motives ... of humanity deter them from selling thepoor creatures, or turning them adrift from the spotwhere they have been born and brought up, in the midstof friends and relations.

“What I have here said, respecting the conditionand treatment of slaves, appertains, it must be remembered,to those only who are upon the larger plantationsin Virginia; the lot of such as are unfortunate enoughto fall into the hands of the lower class of whitepeople, and of hard task-masters in towns, is verydifferent. In the Carolinas and Georgia again,slavery presents itself in very different colors fromwhat it does even in its worst form in Virginia.I am told that it is no uncommon thing there, to seegangs of negroes staked at a horse race, and to seethese unfortunate beings bandied about from one setof drunken gamblers to another for days together.How much to be deprecated are the laws which suffersuch abuses to exist! Yet these are the lawsenacted by the people who boast of their love of libertyand independence, and who presume to say, that it isin the breasts of Americans alone that the blessingsof freedom are held in just estimation.”—­IsaacWeld, Jr., “Travels through the States of NorthAmerica and the provinces of Upper and Lower Canada,”1795, 1796, and 1797. (London, 1799.)

JOHN DAVIS’S THOUGHTS ON SLAVERY

“The negroes on the plantation, including house-servantsand children, amounted to a hundred; of whom the averageprice being respectively seventy pounds, made themaggregately worth seven thousand to their possessor.

“Two families lived in one hut, and such wastheir unconquerable propensity to steal, that theypilfered from each other. I have heard masterslament this defect in their negroes. But whatelse can be expected from man in so degraded a condition,that among the ancients the same word implied botha slave and a thief.

“Since the introduction of the culture of cottonin the State of South Carolina, the race of negroeshas increased. Both men and women work in thefield, and the labour of the rice plantation formerlyprevented the pregnant negroes from bringing fortha long-lived offspring. It may be establishedas a maxim that on a plantation where there are manychildren, the work has been moderate. . . .

“Of genius in negroes many instances may berecorded. It is true that Mr. Jefferson has pronouncedthe Poems of Phillis Wheatley, below the dignity ofcriticism, and it is seldom safe to differ in judgmentfrom the author of Notes on Virginia. But herconceptions are often lofty, and her versificationoften surpasses with unexpected refinement. Ladd,the Carolina poet, in enumerating the bards of hiscountry, dwells with encomium on “Wheatley’spolished verse”; nor is his praise undeserved,for often it will be found to glide in the streamof melody. Her lines on Imagination have beenquoted with rapture by Imley of Kentucky, and Steadmanthe Guinea Traveler; but I have ever thought her happiestproduction the Goliath of Gath.

“Of Ignatius Sancho, Mr. Jefferson also speaksneglectingly; and remarks, that he substitutes sentimentfor argumentation. But I know not that argumentationis required in a familiar epistle; and Sancho, I believe,has only published his correspondence.” —­JohnDavis, “Travels of four years and a halfin the United States of America during 1798, 1799,1800, 1801, 1802,” p. 86.

OBSERVATIONS OF ROBERT SUTCLIFF

“I had the curiosity to look into some of theirlittle habitations; but all that I examined were wretchedin the extreme and far inferior to many Indian cottagesI have seen.

“I slept at C. A.’s and this morning setout for Fredericksburg, being accompanied by his youngman, our road lying through the woods the greaterpart of the way. At the place where we dined,we were waited on by two mulatto girls, whose onlyclothing appeared to be loose garments of cotton andwoollen cloth, girt round the waist with a small cord.I had observed that this was the common dress of theworking female negroes in the fields; but when engagedin business in the house it seemed hardly sufficientto cover them. In the yard, I observed a numberof slaves engaged in the management of a still, employedin making spirits from cider. Here again I hadthe curiosity to look into some of the negro huts,which like those I had seen, presented little elsebut dirt and rags.

“We came to Fredericksburg and lodged at Fisher’sTavern. The next morning I was waked early bythe cries of a poor negro, who was undergoing a severecorrection, previously to his going to work. Ontaking a walk on the banks of the Rappahannock, theriver on which the town is seated, I stepped intoone of the large tobacco warehouses which are builthere, for the reception and inspection of that plantbefore it is permitted to be exported. On enteringinto conversation with an inspector, as he was employedin looking over a parcel of tobacco, he lamented thelicentiousness which he remarked so generally prevailedin this town. He said that in his remembrance,the principal part of the inhabitants were emigrantsfrom Scotland, and that it was considered so reproachfulto the white inhabitants, if they were found to haveillicit connection with their female slaves, that theirneighbors would shun the company of such, as of personswhom it was a reproach to be acquainted. Thecase was now so much altered that, he believed, therewere but few slave holders in the place who were freefrom guilt in this respect: and that it was nowthought but little of. Such was the brutalityand hardness of heart which this evil produced, thatmany amongst them paid no more regard to selling theirown children, by their females slaves, or even theirbrothers and sisters, in the same line, than they woulddo to the disposal of a cow or a horse, or any otherproperty in the brute creation. To so low a degreeof degradation does the system of negro slavery sinkthe white inhabitants, who are unhappily engaged init.”—­Robert Sutcliff, Travels insome parts of North America in Years 1804, 1805, 1806,pp. 37-52.

SOME LETTERS OF RICHARD ALLEN AND ABSALOM JONES TO DOROTHY RIPLEY

Philadelphia, 1st, 5th month, 1803.—­Namingmy concern to some of my solid friends to have a meetingwith the Africans, I influenced them to send for AbsalomJones, the Black Bishop, and Richard Allen, the MethodistEpiscopal Preacher, who also was a coloured man, andthe principal person of that congregation. A.Jones complied with my request, and appointed a meetingfor me on first day evening, which was a solid timewhere many were deeply affected with the softeningpower of the Lord, who unloosed my tongue to proclaimof his love and goodness to the children of men, withoutrespect to person or nation. There was a respectablenumber of coloured people, well dressed and very orderly,who conducted themselves as if they were desirousof knowing the mind of the Lord concerning them.The first and greatest commandment of Jesus Christ,the Law-giver, came before me: “Thou shaltlove the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and withall thy soul and with all thy mind,” which Iendeavoured to enforce as their duty to their Creatorwho alone could make them happy by his blessing throughtheir obedience to his lawful command. My ownexperience of thus loving him, I thought would illustrateit, therefore, added it to shew the possibility ofpleasing him, and obtaining his divine favor, whichwas our interest and duty, as soon as we were ableto distinguish right from wrong. To see themhave this good house for worship, I told them rejoicedme much, and encouraged such as were servants presentto be faithful in their situation, and seek the blessingof God, that at the last they might be happy in theenjoyment of his love forever. Supplicating theThrone of mercy in their behalf, my spirit was deeplyhumbled, and I felt power to plead with the Fatheron the account of the Africans every where, who werecaptivated by the oppressive power of men. Whenwe had separated, my mind was much relieved from theweight which pressed my spirit while I had contemplatedthe matter, desiring to move by special direction ofGod.

A Letter which I received from Bethel Church.

“Madam,

“I have proposed to the Board ofTrustees of Bethel Church your request respectingyour speaking in our Church; they have candidly consideredthe same, and after due investigation, the boardunanimously concludes, that as it is diametricallyopposite to the letter and spirit of the rules ofsociety in particular, and the discipline in generalof the Methodist Episcopalian Church, They thereforeare sorry to inform you, that it is not in theirpower to comply with your request.

“I am, madam,
“With much respect,
“Yours, &c.
“RICHD. ALLEN.”

“May 11, 1803.”

After R. Allen had sent me this letter by way of denial,the Lord commanded me to “Stand still for Ishould most assuredly have his place to testify hisgoodness there.” Putting the letter intomy pocket, I silently waited for the answer of promise;and while I was thus watching the fulfilment of God’sword, there came into my friend’s house J. &P. P. two men who enquired if I could not be satisfiedwithout an appointment with R. Allen’s people,I said No: for that I believed it was requiredof me by God. They enquired if I had not receiveda letter as a denial, which I marvelled at, havingshewn it to no person living. I answered theirquestion by handing the letter to them which whenthey had read it they returned, and signified theywould go themselves to see after an opportunity, andobtained permission after the minister had finishedhis sermon, he being desired to be concise to accomodatea stranger who was then concerned for them. Iwent to the meeting, or their church, and heard ashort methodist sermon, which I thought very instructive,and added thereunto, respecting the conversion of“A man of Ethiopia, an eunuch of great authorityunder Candace, Queen of the Ethiopians, who had thecharge of all her treasure, and had come to Jerusalemfor to worship.” This pleased them so muchwhen it was opened, that they were willing that Ishould have another meeting on the second day eveningat seven, which I attended, and was brought into greatdifficulty through an intoxicated soldier pressingby the crowd which stood without. A number offriends being there, were unsettled, fearing lest thehouse would come down upon us, and for my part, Iwas actually afraid of satan’s malice, lestwe should perish in this storm which he raised in amoment. The disquietude of the people made metremble and shake every limb, not knowing what courseto betake myself to for the preservation of us each.I therefore gave up speaking: but this only encouragedthe accuser of the brethren, who had come there inthe hearts of many, as well as in the poor drunkard,who was taken away and confined. Pouring out mysoul to God, I vowed to serve him yet more faithfully,if he would quell the rage of the adversary, and causeus to depart in peace; and I was instantly directedto prostrate myself before him, in faith believingthat no harm should befall any of us at that time,which doing commanded the care of Almighty God overus, and the blessing of the Most High to rest uponus, continuing wrestling for some time, knowing thiswas a powerful weapon against satan, for thus interruptingus in our solemn engagement with God. When I hadprayed by the aid of his Holy Spirit, which calmedthe minds of the people, I thought I would leave thesubject until I came back again,[1] and so come suddenlyupon the monster, if it was the will of God: buthe pretended that he would do terrible things if Icame thither again, so I suppose King Apollyon andI shall have a strong battle to combat, before I enter

the house of God: for I mean to war with himon his own ground, and gain the victory before I enterthere again. Concluding the meeting sooner thanwas expected, R. Allen stopped the congregation andtold them, “It was no new thing which had happenedto us then: for in the days of old, when the sonsand daughters of God met together, satan presentedhimself also, to interrupt their peace.”I was much pleased to hear what was advanced, as itshewed the preacher (although a coloured man) to havea knowledge of divine things, and able to attack theenemy of our souls in a suitable degree.

Feeling desirous to follow the Shepherd of my soul,and seeing no further work at this time for me, Ileave this city in peace, requesting the Lord to blessthe seed sown in great weakness, and to water it withthe descending showers of his spiritual rain, thatthe glory may arise to him alone who is worthy tobe praised by every creature, but especially by aworm whom he has preserved thus far from the destructivepower of sin, and satan. I trust the Lord willrepay each here who have contributed to comfort mysoul in the day of distress and heavy travail, andI beseech him of his infinite mercy to forgive suchas have blindly persecuted me, by saying unjust thingsof me, which they have reported merely to gratify thecuriosity of others, without considering the wasteof their precious moments, or that they will be accountableat the last for “Every idle word” thatthey may speak while on earth, if not repented of,by a gracious visitation of God’s humbling power,which they will find painful, when his judgment, takesplace in them to weigh all their words, thoughts, andactions.—­Philadelphia, 5th month, 1803.

I have been five weeks and four days in New York,and the neighbouring plains, and have met with sympathizingfriends to relieve my mind when full of anxious careconcerning the vineyard of the Lord.—­Severalhave told me that I was one of those strangers whoshould feed the flock of Israel by the appointmentof God, which revives me when I consider how significanta creature I am in my own eyes.

The yearly meeting was large, and attended by someprecious ministers, whose testimonies will cause themto be written on my heart as living epistles.How do I feel myself united with spiritual worshippers,who desire to ascribe all glory to the Father, throughthe Son’s reigning power in them, by the sanctifyinginfluence of the Holy Ghost which leads them intothe depth of self-abasement, and gathers all theirpowers to centre them in the God of all grace andglory. I rejoice that ever I met with this people,whom I often lament for, because so many live not inthe pure principle of Truth, which if they as a bodydid, the whole earth would soon be filled with theknowledge of the Lord. O that my advantages whichI have had up and down among this people, may leadme to honor their God, whom the pure in heart areconcerned to worship continually! I have had threelarge meetings with the Africans in this city, andhave great reason to be thankful that the Lord aidedme with his Spirit, helping my infirmities in thehour of necessity, when I stood in need of his assistance,standing up to exalt the great Redeemer who died forall nations, that the Lord would bless my little labourof love among this people whom I have secretly mournedfor!

I cannot avoid commending the citizens of New Yorkand Philadelphia, for their help to those that havebeen greatly oppressed, driving slavery out of theirStates, that they may have the peace of God, and hisblessing upon the heads of their children, and children’schildren. I trust also to see the efforts ofindividuals crowned with a blessing in the SouthernStates, where barrenness of the land bespeaks theproverty and wretchedness of thousands of its inhabitantswho might enjoy the smile of Heaven, if they wouldlearn to fear God and love their neighbor.

When comparing those States one with the other, whata vast difference there is between them in the outwardappearance of things: but I trust the minds ofthe people to the southward, are not like the barrenappearance of many parts I have already travelled,or may yet have to do: for I perceive the Lordintends me to return back to discharge my duty to him,and the people up and down.

I have received the following letters from Philadelphiaand think them worthy to make up a page or two inmy life. Letter from Absalom Jones, Black Bishopof the Episcopal Church, in Philadelphia, addressedto Dorothy Ripley, at New York, dated Philadelphia,June 3, 1803.

Dear Friend,

It is with pleasure that I now sit down to informyou, that your kind and very affectionate letter camesafe to hand; and am happy to hear that kind Providencehas conducted you so far on your journey in healthof body as well as of mind; and I trust that the Lordwill continue to be your Guide, and that your laboursmay prove as great a blessing to the inhabitants ofNew-York, as they have been to numbers in this city.

Your letter I read with care and attention, as wellas many others of my congregation, and I heartilythank you for your friendly advice and godly admonitions;believing them to have been given in that love whichpurifies the heart. I am very sensible that thecharge committed to my care is very great; and amalso fully convinced of my own inability for so greatan undertaking. And I do assure you, that whenI was called to the task, I trembled at the idea,and was ready to say, “Who am I.”But when I consider that God can send by whom he will,and as you very justly have observed, he sometimesmakes use of the feeblest instruments for the promotionof Truth; I say under these considerations, I wasled to believe that the Lord would perfect strengthin my weakness; and glory be to his ever-adorable Namefor it. I have cause to believe, my labour hasnot been altogether in vain.

You wish to know the number I consider to be undermy care. Our list of members contains about fivehundred, although we have a great many more who constantlyattend worship in our church, of whom I have a comfortablehope that they will be brought unto the knowledge ofthe Truth.

My wife joins me in love. I remain, with sentimentsof high esteem and respect,

Your esteemed Friend,

Absalom Jones

LETTER FROM AN AFRICAN MINISTER, RESIDENT IN PHILADELPHIA ADDRESSED TODOROTHY RIPLEY

Philadelphia, 24th, of 6th mo. 1803.

Friend Ripley,

I Received thy epistle, dated New-York, 26th of 5thmonth, with much joy, thanks and satisfaction; andam thankful for thy kind spiritual advice, and gratefulfor thy concern for me and my people.

With the assistance of the good Spirit, I will attendto thy serious admonitions in the Lord, and listento the small still voice of Christ within, as thoudost observe in thy epistle, for it is He that mustenable me to observe his holy law written on the heartby his Spirit.

I wish to take thy sisterly counsel; but O! my aboundingweakness. I wish to be more sensible of it, sothat I alone may feel it. I would hide it frommy friends, but they are too eagle-eyed not to discoverit; yet they have the charity to bear with me.—­Ioften bow at the foot-stool of divine mercy, thatI may obtain strength to overcome corrupt nature.—­Noneknows but myself my strivings to walk in the narrowway, in which the poor worm has no desire to rob Godof his honor. I see the beauty of nakedness tobe far superior than to be clothed with rags of self-righteousness.

Thou enquirest how many communicants there are inour church. The precise number of my communicantsis 457. All our members are communicants.There is a communion of saints which exceeds all formality,and which even the Apostles were ignorant of, whenthey gave an account to their Master, on their returnfrom their mission, and told him, “We saw mencasting out devils in thy name, and we forbade them,because they followed not us.” Yet I stillcontinue of the same mind, that it would be best forthee to be a member of some religious society.—­Theteachings of Priscilla and Aquila have been foundprofitable to the eloquent and wise.

The members of the African Methodist Episcopal church(called Bethel) live in love and harmony with eachother.

My fellow laborer, Absalom Jones, joins me in a salutationof love to thee, with desires for thy growth and increasein the favor of God: He says he would have writtento thee, had he known of thy continuance at New York.

Praying God to bless and make thee instrumental inpromoting his glory and the good of souls, I remain,thine, &c.

Richard Allen

LETTER FROM AN AFRICAN, RESIDENT IN PHILADELPHIA, TO DOROTHY RIPLEY

May 17, 1803.
Respected Friend,

I am perhaps presumptuous in troubling you to readthis. But cannot let slip an opportunity of addressingyou with what I wish you to know even when you havearrived at your native country, and may contemplateon a subject which I hope will not displease you,and I will thank Heaven I have it in my power to letone amongst the people called Quakers[2] see, writtenby the hand of an African, the sentiments of his soul.I mean only to trouble you with the obligations thatrace of people, myself amongst that great multitude,are to you indebted; and may the unremitting painswhich have been taken not fall to the ground.We have been oppressed with cruelty and the heavytask-masters in the West Indies and the southern Statesof America for many centuries back, with not onlythe horrible weight of bondage, but have been subjectto heavy iron chains, too heavy to bear, had not theCreator of all things framed our constitutions to bearthem, and all the deep cuts and lashes the inhuman-hearteddrivers please to mangle us with. Had not theall-directing hand of Providence made us come underthe notice of the Friends, who formed an abolitionsociety for our relief, many thousands of us wouldbe dragging out our lives in wretchedness, like thoseof our brethren who have never yet tasted the sweetcup of liberty. Yet while the nations of Europeare contending to catch the draught, the African isforbidden to lift up his head towards it. Everyman has a right to his liberty, and we must by theties of nature come under the title of men: butare dragged from our native land, in our old age orin our infancy, and sold as the brute, to the planters;the infant dragged from its parents, and the husbandfrom wife and children, and hurried into the canefield, to give independence to their owners, and annexabundance to their riches. And how is this, thatGod created us amongst the rest of human beings, andyet man would level us with the brute? We werenot all born Christians, but many have become so;and I pray Heaven many thousands of us may be receivedat the bar of God amongst the righteous at his righthand, and with you glorify him in Heaven for ever.I pray that the Africans may enjoy his holy privileges,and let their light shine before men.

The cross[3] you met with in your sermon at BethelAfrican church grieved me much, but it originatedwith white men. Had it been one of my complexion,it would prey on my feelings to the very heart.But I hope you will forget it. If I was a convertedsoul in the Lord, I could address you on a more spiritualsubject. But alas! I am an unfortunate beingnot born a second time. Yet weak as I am, theprayers of an unconverted African shall be offeredto Heaven for your happiness on earth, and in the worldto come life everlasting. And may the vesselin which you may embark for England be attended witha fair and pleasant passage, and land you safe on itsshores. And when you shall lay your head on adying pillow, to leave this troublesome world, mayyou be surrounded with a blessed convoy of angels toattend you to the Throne of God.

I am, Yours,
Of The African Race

—­“The Extraordinary Conversionand Religious Experience of Dorothy Ripley with herFirst Voyage in America,” 132-144.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] From England.

[2] He expected I was a member of that society, whichI never yet have been.

[3] The cross here mentioned has an allusion to anattempt made by an intoxicated soldier, to disturbour peace, who caused great confusion for a few moments;but kneeling in the midst of this tempestuous storm,God instantly caused a calm, so that no one receivedharm.

BOOK REVIEWS

The Aftermath of the Civil War, in Arkansas.By Powell Clayton, Governor of Arkansas, 1868 to 1871.Neale Publishing Company, New York, 1915. Pp.378.

Looking at the title of this work the student of historywould expect that same scientific treatment whichis observed in so many of the Reconstruction studies.On the contrary, he finds in this a mere volume ofmemoirs of a political leader completed in his eighty-secondyear. The work gives an account of the author’sown administration as governor of Arkansas “alsoof those events that commenced before and extendedinto it, and those that occurred during that periodand continued beyond it.”

In view of the fact that he, a man of well-known partisanproclivities, may be charged with criticising hisdefenceless and dead contemporaries the author saysthat he endeavored to substantiate “every controvertibleand important conclusion.” To do this hecollected “an immense amount of documentaryevidence” from which he selected the most appropriatefor that purpose. The writer made use of certaindocuments in the Library of Congress and had frequentrecourse to the Arkansas Gazette.

The book as a whole is essentially political history.It is chiefly concerned with “the Murphy Government,”the “Organization and Operations of the KluKlux Klan,” “Martial Law,” and thepeculiar situation in the counties of Crittenden andConway. The subjects of immigration, education,state aid to railroads, and the funding of the statedebt are all mentioned but they suffer because ofthe preference given to the discussion of politicalquestions. When one has read the book he is stilluninformed as to what was the actual working of theeconomic and social forces in Arkansas during thisperiod.

This work, however, is valuable for several reasons.In the first place, whether the reader agrees withthe author or